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Hergé

HERGÉ TINTIN ON A MARCHÉ SUR LA LUNE (T.17), CASTERMAN 1954 Planche originale n°59, prépubliée dans Le Journal de Tintin belge n° 49 du 9 décembre 1953. Encre de Chine et gouache blanche sur papier 37 × 51 cm (14,57 × 20,08 in.) Drôle de drame ! — Il ne manque pas de scènes dramatiques dans On a marché sur la Lune. Celle-ci en fait partie. La fusée construite par le professeur Tournesol a permis à Tintin et à ses compagnons de fouler le sol lunaire et d’y mener des investigations scientifiques. Elle effectue son voyage de retour. Cette équipée a déjà coûté la vie à deux personnes, dont les corps voguent désormais dans l’espace. Mais on n’est peut-être pas au bout du compte : les réserves d’oxygène sont épuisées, et l’engin fonce vers la Terre en pilotage automatique. À bord, tout le monde est peut-être mort ! C’est en raison de cet ultime suspense, particulièrement insoutenable, qu’Hergé prend garde de ne pas révéler ce qui se passe à l’intérieur de la fusée. Montrer Tintin à ce stade du récit serait tuer le suspense ! Privilégier l’incertitude c’est, au contraire, le maintenir. Pour rendre la situation haletante, Hergé a d’autres tours ans son sac : un montage cinématographique, avec alternance de cadrages et de points de vue, une extrême rigueur documentaire, ici focalisée sur les véhicules et sur le matériel d’incendie… Et puis, un ultime gag qui, s’il peut prêter à rire, ajoute un drame au drame : le croisement des trajectoires de la voiture et de la fusée en phase d’atterrissage ! Sans la moindre retouche — Publiée à l’origine dans Le Journal de Tintin numéro 49 (édition belge) du 9 décembre 1953, cette planche était la 114e sur les 117 qui y furent reproduites à partir du 30 mars 1950 sous le titre On a marché sur la Lune. La suite est connue : introduction de cases de grand format, ajout de l’une ou l’autre planche, suppression de séquences entières, ajustements divers… cet ensemble fut, par la suite, largement remanié par Hergé afin de donner naissance à deux albums distincts, comptant chacun 62 planches. Objectif Lune fut publié en octobre 1953 et On a marché sur la Lune l’année suivante. Devenue la planche 59 du second épisode, la planche du retour sur Terre n’a, pour sa part (et contrairement à beaucoup d’autres), subi aucune transformation. Suspense garanti — Le souci du scénariste Hergé, à cet ultime moment crucial de son récit, était de prolonger le suspense qu’il avait mis en place. Tombés à court d’oxygène, Tintin et ses compagnons s’avéraient incapables de maintenir le contact radio avec la base durant cette phase particulièrement délicate de leur équipée. C’est évidemment la raison pour laquelle le dessinateur s’est fait un devoir, ici, de ne montrer ni le professeur Tournesol, chef de l’expédition, ni Tintin, ni le capitaine Haddock, ni messieurs Dupond et Dupont, ni même Milou… pas même évanouis ! Le lecteur doit rester jusqu’au bout dans l’incertitude quant à leur hypothétique survie. C’est là une tension insoutenable… qu’Hergé peut se permettre de maintenir, puisqu’on sait que, de toute manière, les héros ne peuvent mourir. Puisqu’il lui faut faire durer son plaisir (de faire peur), et prolonger ainsi celui du lecteur (à qui il ne déplait pas forcément d’avoir peur), Hergé a eu l’idée d’ajouter un suspense au suspense, un drame secondaire au drame principal. En scénariste aguerri, il a imaginé que la voiture de Monsieur Baxter, le directeur de la base, s’engage sur l’aire d’atterrissage de la fusée au moment précis où cette dernière arrivait à la verticale de son point de chute. L’alternance des plans et des points de vue, ainsi que l’attribution par Hergé de surfaces différentes aux cases, ou encore le recours a des focales variées dans les deux dernières, tout cela confère à la page une dimension quasiment cinématographique. Dès qu’il aura tourné la page, le lecteur de l’album retrouvera Baxter et son chauffeur, certes un peu « échauffés » par l’aventure, mais sains et saufs. Pour Tintin et pour les autres, il devra encore attendre un peu. Documentation à double sens — L’aspect proprement documentaire revêt ici une dimension particulière. On n’ira pas jusqu’à prétendre que le paysage montagneux vu du ciel correspond trait pour trait à un site précis du massif des Carpates… ou des Zmyhlpathes. Mais d’autres éléments doivent retenir l’attention : la fusée et les véhicules terrestres. On ne compte plus le nombre de fois où Hergé et son collaborateur Bob De Moor ont eu à représenter la fameuse fusée à damier, sous tous les angles et dans toutes les positions. À chaque fois, ils ont eu à tracer un jeu d’ellipses parfaites, et à les inscrire dans l’une ou l’autre perspective linéaire. Le résultat force cette fois encore l’admiration. Montrée sous quatre angles différents, la voiture de Monsieur Baxter a demandé la même attention. Comme il se doit, il s’agit d’un modèle récent : une Ford Tudor Sedan de 1950 dénichée dans un numéro du Saturday Evening Post, dont les coloristes pousseront la conscience professionnelle jusqu’à reproduire la teinte de la carrosserie. Quant aux véhicules des pompiers, en attente ici mais en action à la page suivante, leur histoire mérite d’être contée également, tant elle fait d’Hergé, toujours soucieux de la crédibilité de ses créations, un modèle de rigueur. Il avait pris contact avec la Régie des Voies aériennes, se disant que pour décrire les installations et le matériel d’intervention en cas d’incendie d’une base spatiale, il convenait de se documenter sur ceux d’un aérodrome. En l’occurrence celui de l’Aérodrome National de Bruxelles. Ayant obtenu toutes les autorisations requises, il y avait envoyé un photographe de ses amis. Par ailleurs, le chef du Service Incendie de la Régie avait pris la peine de lui décrire le déroulement de la « chute » (dans tous les sens du terme) de son histoire, dialogues compris. Hergé n’aura eu qu’à changer quelques termes. Ce sont donc les véhicules d’intervention de l’aéroport national qui apparaissent aux dernières pages de On a marché sur la Lune. Le reportage a semblé si intéressant au directeur du service Exploitation de la Régie qu’il reprendra contact avec Hergé pour obtenir de sa part un jeu d’épreuves susceptible d’enrichir les archives de son service. Et voilà comment Hergé a documenté en retour ceux qui l’avaient documenté !

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2016-11-19
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HERGÉ

HERGÉ TINTIN Illustration originale réalisée pour l’exposition de bande dessinée du pavillon belge lors de l’Exposition Universelle de Montréal en 1967. Signée. Encre de Chine sur papier 49,2 X 94,3 CM (19,37 X 37,13 IN.) En cette fin d’année 1966, et depuis longtemps déjà, la gloire de Tintin est largement assurée sur le plan international. Hergé, son créateur, peaufine ce qui sera la vingt-deuxième aventure de son petit reporter, Vol 714 pour Sydney, récit dont la publication débutera fin septembre dans le Journal de Tintin, permettant au passage à l’hebdomadaire des jeunes de 7 a 77 ans de fêter dignement ses vingt ans d’existence. Neuf ans après celle de Bruxelles, une Exposition Universelle et Internationale sera présentée à Montréal du 28 avril au 29 octobre 1967. Elle aura pour thème “Terre des Hommes” et pour ambition celle de montrer le Spectacle du Siècle à l’échelle planétaire. La Belgique y aura naturellement son propre pavillon, agencé sous la devise “Rien d’humain n’est étranger au Belge”. Tout un programme ! Le hall d’honneur présentera d’importants chefs-d’œuvre du patrimoine artistique belge. À l’étage, une section mettra en valeur le rôle éminent joué par les Belges dans le monde de l’édition, et plus particulièrement dans celui de la Bande Dessinée. Pour éviter tout problème de traduction, les noms des auteurs tiendront lieu d’intitulé, et leurs personnages se présenteront par phylactères interposés, dans leur langue d’origine. Parmi les projets qui ont été soumis au Commissariat, pour rassembler les principaux héros de la BD belge, à quelque école qu’ils appartiennent, c’est celui des Studios Hergé qui a été retenu. Selon cette présentation en sept panneaux de belle taille, la plupart des personnages qui font le succès des magazines, et dont les albums sont traduits dans différentes langues, seront rassemblés. Ceux d’Hergé seront certes mis à l’honneur en se voyant attribuer le panneau central, mais c’est parfaitement légitime, vu leur notoriété et le rôle de “locomotive” qu’on leur prête. Les autres — ceux de Spirou comme ceux de Tintin — se répartiront les six autres panneaux, en une joyeuse et chatoyante galerie. Tous ces dessins seront reproduits en sérigraphie, en couleur, sur des plaques de verre de deux centimètres d’épaisseur fabriquées dans la région de Charleroi. Ces éléments seront fixés sur les murs du pavillon, la transparence de leur support et leur écartement par rapport à la paroi devant leur conférer un relief saisissant. Placés au centre de cet ensemble, isolés sur un panneau qui aura plus de deux mètres cinquante de hauteur, les héros sélectionnés par Hergé dans la “famille” qu’il a donnée à son personnage vedette, auront donc pour mission de présenter aux visiteurs les principaux héros de la Bande Dessinée belge, au moyen de phylactères (rédigés et en français et en anglais, comme il se doit au Canada). Après avoir mis au point la composition au crayon, en format réduit, et vu la taille imposante à laquelle ses héros seront sérigraphiés, Hergé en a établi la mise au net à l’encre de Chine dans un format propice à l’agrandissement définitif. Une sélection drastique s’est opérée au moment de choisir ceux qui allaient ainsi s’avancer, tout sourire, à la rencontre des visiteurs du pavillon : ni Bianca Castafiore, ni Nestor (pourtant devenus familiers au fil du temps) n’ont trouvé grâce aux yeux de leur auteur. Derrière Tintin et Milou s’avancent un Haddock parfaitement détendu, fumant une bonne pipe, les inséparables Dupond et Dupont, leur melon vissé sur la tête et la canne fixé à l’avant-bras, et le brave Tournesol, tout au fond, tenant son pendule d’une main et son précieux parapluie de l’autre. Avec sa tête ronde et sa houppe caractéristique, avec ses pantalons de golf plus intemporels que franchement démodés, Tintin ouvre la marche en adressant au public un geste amical de la main. Les manches retroussées, il incarne comme toujours le dynamisme juvénile. C’est lui qui prononce les mots d’accueil destinés à présenter ses confrères en BD, qu’Hergé ne considère plus depuis longtemps comme des concurrents. Le nom de Tintin est tracé de façon imposante, agissant comme un signal bien mieux que ne l’aurait fait celui d’Hergé si ce dernier s’était conformé à la consigne appliquée aux autres. Milou gambade à côté de son maître, son traditionnel os fixé à la mâchoire. Légèrement en retrait, le capitaine Haddock, qu’on a connu plus bougon, les suit dans la tenue fatiguée qu’il affectionne. La démarche souple, une main en poche, il ne dit rien mais son sourire éclatant vaut tous les “tonnerre de Brest”. Comme à son habitude, Dupond a le geste sentencieux en s’adressant à Dupont. Quant au professeur Tournesol, si typé dans sa tenue comme on n’en fait plus, il est rarement tombé aussi juste en proférant son célèbre « Pardon ! Un peu plus a l’ouest » : Montréal est incontestablement à l’ouest de son lieu de naissance !

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2016-05-21
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CLARK GABLE

CLARK GABLE The gold plated brittania statue with the engraved front plaque, ACADEMY OF MOTION PICTURE ARTS AND SCIENCES FIRST AWARD 1934; between the base and the statue the engraved band CLARK GABLE. Under the base of the statue, the circular engraved plaque ACADEMY FIRST AWARD TO CLARK GABLE FOR HIS PERFORMANCE IN IT HAPPENED ONE NIGHT--12 in. high; together with a black and white photograph of Mr. Gable holding his Academy Award the night he received it in Hollywood--10 x 8 in. Although Clark Gable will always be remembered for his portrayal of the dashing blockade runner "Rhett Butler" in Gone With The Wind, it would be for a role he did not want to accept that he would win Hollywood's highest Award. The actor starred as the just-fired reporter who chases runaway heiress Claudette Colbert across the country on a madcap journey. In classic "boy meets girl" style, Frank Capra's directing effort firmly established Columbia Studios as a major Hollywood studio. Considered one of the first screwball comedies of the Thirties, It Happened One Night made an overnight sensation of the thirty three year old Clark Gable, who was loaned out to Columbia from M.G.M. for the project. Louis B. Mayer thought so little of the film that he felt it "punishment" for the actor who had pleaded sick to Mayer before beginning his last film. It would be the only Academy Award that the "King Of Hollywood" would ever receive in his illustrious forty year career. The film is noted for several progressive moments, including the classic "Walls Of Jericho" scene where Gable and Colbert throw a throw a blanket over a rope to separate their motel room as they undress; the actor takes his shirt off to reveal that he is not wearing an undershirt. Reaction to the scene was so strong by the movie going public that sales of men's undergarments allegedly dropped 40.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 1996-12-15
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Joe dimaggio's 1936 new york yankees rookie home uniform

In 1936, America was held tightly in the grip of the Depression. Babe Ruth had retired. Lou Gehrig still continued his excellence but in a quiet manner, inspiring more genuflection than excitement. Then, that May, the rookie from the Pacific Coast League arrived in New York and provided a transfusion of awe and electricity to the Nation’s favorite game. The bulk of Joe DiMaggio’s legend was created during his first tour in the majors, before his country's call to arms during World War II robbed him of three prime seasons. Heralded beyond any rookie in the game before him, DiMaggio somehow exceeded unsurpassable expectations. Had there been a Rookie of the Year Award in 1936 it would have been Joe's. He hit .323 with 29 HRs and 125 RBI and helped bring a World Series title to New York in his first season. From the moment Joe DiMaggio first put on his pinstripes, he made the Yankees “his” team --- in some ways, they are still his team.   “Where have you gone, Joe DiMaggio?” Joe DiMaggio was more than the most complete all-around player of his generation. He was more than the player who set one of the game's most cherished records, hitting safely in 56 consecutive games. Baseball has produced many icons, but it has produced only one Joe DiMaggio. He has proven to be the most enduring symbol of baseball greatness. In the almost half a century from his retirement until his death on March 8, 1999, he retained his image as America's ultimate hero. What American male wouldn't sell his soul to duplicate the exacta that Joltin' Joe accomplished - playing centerfield for the Yankees and marrying the sexiest woman on the planet? "Joe DiMaggio is what you get when you build mystique on top of greatness," said Ron Swoboda, the former Met who played a generation after DiMaggio. Though known to be short tempered in private, DiMaggio refrained from showing such behavior in public. A painfully private person, he always was careful and protective of his image, understanding that it was his legacy. "It is not for DiMaggio's records that we remember him," wrote Ira Berkow of The New York Times. "He is best remembered for the persona of Joe DiMaggio. He remains a symbol of excellence, elegance, power and, to be sure, gentleness." His marriage to Marilyn Monroe was an amazing coupling of American celebrity: The country's most revered athlete hitched to its most adored actress. There was this conversation when she returned to their honeymoon suite in Tokyo after entertaining more than 100,000 servicemen in Korea: "It was so wonderful, Joe," she said. "You never heard such cheering." "Yes I have," he said, quietly. DiMaggio burst on to the major league landscape in 1936, helping the Yankees begin the second chapter in their dynasty. After winning only one pennant and World Series in the previous seven years, behind DiMaggio, the Bombers won four straight world championships. In DiMaggio's thirteen seasons, they won ten pennants and nine World Series. When he retired in 1951, he had a lifetime average of .325, down from the .339 it had been before he served three years in the military during World War II. He won two home-run crowns (1937 and 1948) on his way to 361. (Remarkably, he struck out only 369 times, a ratio of dingers to whiffs that no other long-ball hitter even approaches.) DiMaggio hit over .300 eleven times and won two batting titles - .381 in 1939 and .352 in 1940. He knocked in more than 100 runs nine times, leading the American League with 125 in 1941 and 155 in 1948 and finishing second with 167 in 1937. He won three Most Valuable Player Awards (1939, 1941 and 1947). His fame was recorded in song and prose. In the sixties, when Simon and Garfunkel wanted to express a longing for another time, they wrote in "Mrs. Robinson": "Where have you gone, Joe DiMaggio?” "A nation turns its lonely eyes to you." Earlier, Ernest Hemingway had turned to the Yankee Clipper when he sought a symbol. In his novel The Old Man and the Sea, the old man says, "I would like to take the great DiMaggio fishing. They say his father was a fisherman. Maybe he was as poor as we are and would understand." He was a fisherman, all right. Joe, the eighth of nine children, was born on Nov. 25, 1914, in Martinez, Calif., a small fishing village 25 miles northeast of San Francisco. The next year, his father moved the family to San Francisco because he heard the fishing was better off its waters. While Zio Pepe, as DiMaggio's father was called, wanted his five sons to become fishermen like him, only the oldest two did. Joe and brothers Vince and Dom became major league baseball players. Joe spent three seasons with the San Francisco Seals, and, in 1933,  as an eighteen-year old rookie, set a Pacific Coast League record by hitting safely in 61 consecutive games. "Baseball didn't really get into my blood until I knocked off that hitting streak," DiMaggio said. "Getting a daily hit became more important to me than eating, drinking or sleeping. Overnight I became a personality." The Yankees bought him for a reported $25,000 and five players after the 1934 season. They kept him in San Francisco for another year, and he tore up the PCL again with a .398 average, 34 homers and 154 RBI. As a rookie with the Yankees, he was on the cover of Time magazine during the 1936 season. Lou Gehrig was the AL MVP, and DiMaggio helped Gehrig by providing an equally powerful weapon, as he hit .323 with 29 homers, 132 runs and 125 RBI. He also led A.L. outfielders with 22 assists. DiMaggio helped the Yankees to totals of 102, 102, 99 and 106 victories his first four seasons plus a 16-3 record in the World Series. In the summer of 1941, a nation turned its eyes to him. During his record hitting streak, which began on May 15 with an inauspicious 1-for-4 game, the Les Brown big band recorded “Joltin' Joe DiMaggio”, a hit that was played day and night on the radio. Finally, on July 17, before a crowd of 67,468 in Cleveland, pitchers Al Smith and Jim Bagby Jr. kept him hitless, thanks to two outstanding plays by third baseman Ken Keltner and a good one by shortstop Lou Boudreau. He hit .408 (91-of-223) with 15 homers and 55 RBI during the streak. After that game, DiMaggio went on a 16-game hitting streak. DiMaggio, who batted .357 for the season, won the MVP despite Ted Williams hitting .406 with a league-leading 37 homers. He also took the 1947 MVP - by one point - over Williams, though the Splendid Splinter won the Triple Crown. In the late 1940s, DiMaggio showed his Achilles heel, or heels, literally. At times, he said, "it felt as if a nail was stuck into them - only 20 times worse." An operation in November 1948 didn't help much. He wasn't able to play until June 28, but made a legendary return, hitting four homers and knocking in nine runs as the Yankees swept three games in Boston, igniting one of the most thrilling pennant chases ever. DiMaggio hit .346 in 76 games, and the Yankees won the 1949 American League championship on the season's final day by beating the Red Sox. When he hit .373 for the final six weeks of 1950, lifting his average to .301, and drove home 122 runs probably convinced DiMaggio he had one more year left despite his lingering ailments. He didn't - sinking to .263 and 12 homers in his final 1951 season - and tearfully he retired that December. "I stayed one season too long," he said. After his love affair ended with baseball, he began one with Monroe. He was 39, she 27 when they married on Jan. 14, 1954, despite, according to Gay Talese in Esquire, "disharmony in temperament and time: he was tired of publicity, she was thriving on it; he was intolerant of tardiness, she was always late." When the marriage ended in divorce nine months later, it was, as another writer said, "an adult version of learning there is no Santa Claus." But even after their divorce, they remained friends. This enhanced his image. After her death in 1962, it was DiMaggio who supervised her funeral arrangements and had flowers put on her grave three times a week for 20 years. DiMaggio remained in the spotlight as a spokesman for several companies. But he carried himself with grace even when he sold Mr. Coffee machines or appeared in ads for a New York bank. There was no sense he had cheapened himself. At nearly every public appearance he made, DiMaggio was introduced as "the greatest living ballplayer." And now, even after his death, he remains an icon, an American folk hero. – Larry Schwartz (ESPN SportsCentury) 1936 Joe DiMaggio, twenty one years old, tall and slender, slow to smile, yet quietly confident, made his first trip east of the Rocky Mountains, on his way to spring training in 1936. Having conquered the Pacific Coast League, he was leaving behind its modest venues and limited regional dimensions that kept him close to the comforts of home and family. The Yankees made sure their prize package wouldn’t have to travel unattended: they deputized their two veteran Italian stars, Tony Lazzeri and Frank Crosetti, to fetch Joe from his home on Taylor Street, and take him cross-country in Lazzeri’s new Ford. For more than a week, they’d travel on two lane roads that zigzagged from town to town, all the way from San Francisco to St. Petersburg Florida, and a mostly silent Joe gazed out the window for 3,000 miles. For DiMaggio, this was his first look at the vastness of the country he would thrill with his exploits. In a few years, he would be said to represent this land and exemplify its virtues: aspiration, hard work, native grace, and opportunity for all. The anticipation that surrounded Joe’s debut with the Yankees was without precedent. The frenzy, perpetuated amongst fans, team officials, and especially the media, was heightened by an unexpected delay as a result of a foot injury that kept DiMaggio sidelined for the first few weeks of the 1936 season. While the star rookie mended what one New York paper dubbed “The Most Famous Hot-Foot in Yankee History” the Yankee Box office got hundred of letters asking: When would DiMaggio play? The papers covered his medical exams, his every appearance at the ballpark, even satirically speculating on the new layers of skin on his foot. The New York Times ran a lively exchange of letters from readers arguing out the pronunciation of “Dee-Mah-Jee-O”. The Yanks were playing well, but not well enough: after eighteen games, at eleven and seven, they were just where they’d finish the last three years-second place. Finally the papers trumpeted the glad news: the kid would play on Sunday, May 3 against the St. Louis Browns. A crowd of more than twenty –five thousand (by far the largest since opening day) braved cool and showery weather to cheer the debut. “An astonishing portion of the crowd,” said the New York Post, “was composed of strangers to sport-mostly Italians- who did not even know the stadium subway station.” Perhaps it was these fans who rose to their feet along with the rest, whose cheers were heard above all others when young Joe, wearing number 9, made his first plate appearance-with Yankee runners on first and third. Even as Joe grounded a tame “fielder’s choice” to third, the electricity of the moment was sustained. Later, in the sixth, Joe got a hold of a pitch from “Chief” Elon Hogsett and drove it, as the Post remarked, “like a cannon shot between the center and left fielders,” and DiMaggio had his first big-league triple. The game as a whole was never in doubt: the Browns’ pitching was awful; but who cared? The daily news ran DiMaggio headlines three inches high, but in the lead tried to keep matters in perspective: “This is the story of Joseph DiMaggio, a kid from San Francisco, though it might be proper to mention that the Yankees beat St Louis 14-5, at the stadium yesterday.” By late May, Joe was leading the league with a .411 average, and the Yankees were streaking. On the last day of May, they won their fifth straight, to sweep the Red Sox (Whom they now led by four and a half games), when DiMaggio singled in the seventh to tie, and tripled in the twelfth to win the game. Almost forty-two thousand fans (including Mayor Fiorello La Guardia) left Yankee Stadium to tell of the rookie’s glory. Young Joe had to leave the ballpark in a phalanx of cops, to protect him from adoring fans. It was seldom mentioned all year that Gehrig was having a banner season, that Dickey was pounding the ball flat: or that the whole Yankee offense was producing runs at the rate of the mighty ’27 Yanks. The story was painted in bold black and white: The Yanks, resurgent, were racing toward a pennant. And the reason for the resurgence was Joe. DiMaggio and the Yanks were the story everywhere in the country. Writers in every AL town used the coming of the rookie wonder to build attendance for their local clubs. In the month before the All-Star Game, the AP baseball feature named the rookie DiMaggio seven times (Dizzy Dean, with four mentions, ranked a distant second.) Little wonder, in the count of two million ballots from fans in forty-eight states and Canada, Joe led the voting for the 1936 AL All-Star outfield. And in case anyone had missed the story, Time Magazine took the occasion of the All-Star Game to look in on baseball- and on the cover (Where portraits of Presidents and foreign Kings were the staple) there appeared a full length photo of DiMaggio, in his rookie pinstripes. The 1936 Yankees won the pennant by seventeen games, due in large part to Joe’s .323 average, 29 HRs, and 125 RBI. In the 1936 Series matchup with the crosstown Giants, Joe added the exclamation point on his extraordinary rookie campaign, hitting .346 in the six game series, helping secure a World Series title for the Yankees in his first year of service. 1936 was the first of many spectacular seasons for DiMaggio, in a career that would include a litany of immortal feats and eight more World Series rings. But for DiMaggio himself, 1936 would forever remain his darling season in baseball. His fond reflections of 1936 later in his life are well documented. Those who knew him best have recalled that a picture of the 1936 Yankees team was among the few baseball-related photographs that hung in his home. And of all the rings, hardware, and other accoutrements bestowed upon one of baseball’s most highly decorated players, it was his 1936 World Series ring he cherished above all others, worn with pride until it was removed from his finger on the day he died. Charles “Smoke” Mason For every Joe DiMaggio, whose promise is fulfilled, whose glory a nation basks in, there are thousands of Charles Masons. However, unlike most young ball players whose only commonality with the Yankee great was a deeply rooted love of the game, Charles Mason would make a serendipitous connection to DiMaggio that would bind them for most of his life.  Like most children of the Depression, Mason’s beginnings in the Ozarks area of southwest Missouri were humble. His refuge was baseball, and he quickly showed a knack for pitching that made him a standout on the local makeshift diamonds. Mason’s live arm, which earned him the nickname “Smoke”, took him to the University of Missouri, where, after his final season there in 1938, he was approached by Yankees scout Bill Essick. “Would you like to play for the Yankees”, Bill said. Mason, who hardly knew who the Yankees were, said with optimism, “Mr. Essick, I might be pleased to play with the Yankees”. What would later prove to be ironic was the fact that Essick had not only lived on the same street in San Francisco that DiMaggio grew up on, but he had also helped sign the Yankees star only two years prior.  Signed in May of 1938 for $1,300, including $1,200 to pay off school debt and $100 for his pocket, Charles Mason boarded a bus to Joplin, Missouri to play for the Yankees’ Joplin Miners farm team. When he arrived in Joplin, Mason met team manager Joe Becker, who quickly directed him to the clubhouse to be sized up for a uniform to begin working out in. As was customary the equipment manager chose a proper garment for Mason from a mound of used uniforms that had been sent down from New York by the big league club as a cost saving measure. In a decision that took but a moment of thought, with consideration given only to size and shape, Charles Mason was handed what, unbeknownst to him, would someday be looked upon as a national heirloom. Charles worked out in his designated uniform only for a few weeks before the Joplin season began and he donned the official Miners team uniform. He maintained possession of the pinstriped “workout uniform” throughout the 1938 season, keeping it in his locker, with little use for it then and virtually no sense of its significance. It stayed with him through a second season with Joplin in 1939, during which he experienced the one and only encounter of his life with Joe DiMaggio in person. During spring training in Kansas City Florida, DiMaggio, taking a break from preparing for his fourth big league campaign, paid a visit to the aspiring Yankee prospects. Mason, recalls that he was seated in the dugout along with five other players when the Yankee Clipper strolled by, pausing to greet them casually. According to Mason he simply said, “Hello fellas”, but the impact was lasting. The impression left by DiMaggio, whose legend was rooted, but far from fruition at that time, abolished Mason’s obliviousness to the old uniform, which bore this man’s name in red stitching. At seasons end, Charles asked Mr. Becker if he could keep it. Becker said “Well, what the heck are you going to do with it, Charles?” Charles said, “I need a uniform to wear when I go back to Willow Springs. We play a lot of ball down there in the hills.” Years later, Mason would reflect that his being allowed to keep the uniform was not customary; attributing Mr. Becker’s exception to his feeling that he had a good prospect on his hands in “Smoke” Mason.  Upon his return to Willow Springs in 1939, baseball became secondary in Mason’s life. His father took ill, passing away shortly thereafter, and the uniform was relegated to a closet at his parent’s house. The next drastic turn in his life came with World War II when Charles went to serve in Panama. After the war, he met and married Frances Cochran in 1950. The forgotten uniform lay dormant until sometime in the 1950’s when Frances discovered it in the corner of the closet, while helping clean out Charles’ mother’s house. Its fate resting in her hands, she opted to save what another might have deemed disposable.      Number Nine As years passed by, the game of baseball itself would continue to be pushed down the list of priorities in Charles Mason’s life in turn by marriage, children, and an alternate profession. All the while, his most tangible link to his days as a ball player was safely stored in a moth proof bag in his home. As DiMaggio evolved into the mythic figure he is today, Mason’s appreciation for the uniform only deepened. Now, at the age of 89, he has chosen to let the world know of its existence. Manufactured by Spalding, the uniform, consisting of a jersey and pants is one of only two home pinstriped uniforms issued to Joe DiMaggio for the 1936 season (He was also issued two road uniforms, one of which resides in the Hall of Fame). Tagged exclusively for DiMaggio, the uniform features red chain stitching in the collar that reads “Joe DiMaggio 9”, while similar chain stitching in the pants reads, “Joe DiMaggio 9, 36” referencing the player, uniform number, and year of issue. DiMaggio was only assigned the uniform number 9 for his rookie season, after which he would don number 5 for the remainder of his career. It is important to note that in 1936, uniform numbers were issued based on a player’s appearance in the batting order (ie: Gehrig’s number 4 denoting his position in the clean-up spot). For incoming rookies who had not established such a position within the order, numbers were assigned in ascension based on their status as a prospect. DiMaggio was so highly touted that he was issued number 9, the lowest number available to a rookie. Every technical aspect of this uniform is as it was when Joe DiMaggio made his Yankees debut with the exception of the sleeves having been cut and the customary removal of the “NY” logo from the front of the jersey, which was done upon its designation for minor league service. No other lettering was ever applied to the front, and the “NY” outline is still clearly visible on the left breast. The jersey and pants retain superb visual appeal, demonstrating substantial, but not excessive usage wear.  Team repairs appear on the pants and a few rust spots on the uniform have been cleaned. In addition to the jersey’s documented lineage, it is supported by no less than half a dozen “photo matches“. Every Yankee pinstriped flannel garment of this era is as unique as a snowflake because each jersey and pants were hand stitched, so the pinstripe patterns vary from uniform. The alignment of the pinstripes on both the pants and jersey (most readily apparent at the seams of the shoulders, collar, number, and ‘NY’ outline) and pants (waistband, belt loops, inseam) provide exact matches to several photos of DiMaggio from 1936, many of which are presented here. Among the most compelling photo matches is an image catalogued by Corbis as being taken during the 1936 World Series (shown), providing clear evidence that this jersey was worn by Joe during his first appearance in the Fall Classic. Joe DiMaggio’s full 1936 New York Yankees home rookie uniform is one of the most historical pieces of sports memorabilia ever discovered. DiMaggio became an American hero at a time when Americans had little to feel heroic about. He was an idol when America struggled with idealism. Exuding grace and elegance in a game that less than two decades prior had been blemished by a gambling scandal, DiMaggio defined an era of American resurgence, helping to pick up a  beleaguered nation by its boot straps. Years after his retirement, and even to this day, fans marvel not only at his exploits on the diamond, but also at his extraordinary traits as an American. This uniform is the finest symbol of his legacy that has ever surfaced for public sale. $600,000 and up     Provenance: A letter of provenance from the Mason family accompanies the uniform. An additional LOA is provided by MEARS. Also included is a source list and copies of uniform “photo matches”, as well as copies of Mr. Mason’s 1938 and 1939 Joplin team photographs.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 2005-12-10
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GEORGE HARRISON BEATLES OWNED AND PLAYED GUITAR

GEORGE HARRISON BEATLES OWNED AND PLAYED GUITAR 1966 - 1969 A 1964 Gibson SG Standard guitar, Serial No. 227666, translucent cherry finish, double cutaway solid body, Schaller machine heads, 22 fret fingerboard with mother-of-pearl inlays, Gibson logo inlayed to head, duel humbucker pickups, four rotary controls, selector switch, Gibson/Maestro Varitone wrap around tail piece and whammy bar, together with original hardshell case and six original Kluson tuners. Played by George Harrison from 1966 through 1969 during various Beatles appearances and recording sessions which include the last official United Kingdom concert at the NME Poll Winners Concert and during the Revolver recording session. It was also used by Harrison in two Beatles films used to promote "Paperback Writer" and "Rain" in 1966 and later played by John Lennon during the White Album sessions in 1969. Also present is a thirty-nine page custom binder which includes excellent documentation, featuring several reproduction images of Harrison playing the guitar with The Beatles as well as documentation from the book Beatles Gear: All the Fab Four's Instruments, from Stage to Studio (Andy Babiuk) and two letters verifying the guitar's authenticity. Together with additional related documents of the guitars subsequent owner, Pete Ham of Badfinger, to whom Harrison bestowed the guitar to in 1969. In 2002, the guitar was loaned to the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame in Cleveland Ohio where it has been on display ever since.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 2004-12-17
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JOHN LENNON HANDWRITTEN LYRICS TO BEATLES' SONG 'NOWHERE MAN'

JOHN LENNON HANDWRITTEN LYRICS TO BEATLES' SONG 'NOWHERE MAN' 1965 A piece of paper with John Lennon's handwritten lyrics to the Beatles' song 'Nowhere Man.' Penned in black ballpoint ink, the manuscript reads in full: 1) He's a real Nowhere Man Sitting in his nowhere land Making all his nowhere plans for nobody Nowhere Man please listen You don't know what your [sic] missing Nowhere Man the world is at your command 2) Doesn't have a point of view Knows not where he's going to Isn't he a bit like you and me Nowhere Man don't worry Take your time don't hurry Leave it all till [sic] somebody else lends you a hand 3) He's as blind as he can be Just sees what he wants to see Nowhere Man can you see me at all? This is not a work-in-progress set of lyrics, rather it is the finished song that Lennon neatly wrote out and then used during the recording session at Abbey Road Studios in October 1965. 'Nowhere Man' is considered by many to be one of Lennon's most important songs lyrically as it represents a turning point in the evolution of The Beatles. It was their first song not directly dealing with romantic love and it opened the doors for the Beatles (as well as numerous other groups) to address more serious and poignant issues in pop songs. It is no surprise that Lennon composed this song alone; the subject matter of alienation and sadness is typical of many of his compositions. When asked about the song, he said it was about himself and that he was the 'Nowhere Man.' Although John Lennon seems like the antithesis of a 'Nowhere Man' now, knowing that he sometimes felt like this just adds another dimension to his already complex legend. 10 x 7 inches Please note the paper has been folded three times, has tea stains in the lower left-hand corner and has slight staining throughout, though the handwriting is not affected.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 2003-11-18
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HERGÉ Georges REMI dit 1907 – 1983

HERGÉ Georges REMI dit 1907 – 1983 LES BIJOUX DE LA CASTAFIORE Encre de Chine pour la planche 2 de cet album publié en 1963 aux éditions Casterman et prépublié le 11 juillet 1961 dans le Journal Tintin n°28. Signé et encadré. Rare planche enrichie d'une belle dédicace. Il est à noter que les planches d'après guerre sont rarissimes. 47,7 x 35,5 cm. Avec cette aventure, opéra déconcertant dans un château Grand Siècle traditionnellement habité par la symétrie, la ligne claire a décidé de nous en faire voir de toutes les couleurs. Cette mise en abyme que constitue Les Bijoux de la Castafiore montre des versants inattendus de la philosophie graphique d'Hergé, typiques de la deuxième partie de son œuvre. La synergie entre les entités qui définissent l'architecture des aventures de Tintin est toujours bien présente, mais Hergé, qui a pris beaucoup de recul, s'interroge sur les enjeux de son travail et sur le destin de ses personnages, réunis ici pour un récital qui est une illusion lyrique remarquablement réussie, une schizophrénie permanente où s'entrecroisent différents leitmotivs qui mettent en question la linéarité apparente de la bande dessinée. Hergé privilégie la dimension réflexive de son dessin, il prolonge la démarche conceptuelle et les espaces abstraits de Tintin au Tibet dans une simplification souveraine, qui se dissimule très habilement sous un classicisme bien trop sage. La ligne claire est une pure spéculation, le mythe est mis à l'épreuve, dessin et récit se complaisent dans un désordre savamment mis en scène, et ils finissent par s'égarer, tout comme le lecteur, dans les reflets du miroir. Tintin et le capitaine Haddock, présents à toutes les cases, se complètent et s'accordent, et la structure de la planche repose entièrement sur cet échange et sur l'alternance entre ordre et agitation. Le dessin et le regard d'Hergé ont évolué en parallèle : sans doute est-ce l'âge de la maturité, certes différent par rapport aux vibrations minimalistes originelles, mais tout aussi séduisant. Car ce dialogue imagé entre les deux personnages est le symbole de la sophistication des aventures de Tintin et de l'élargissement de son microcosme. Au sein de cet univers, où le héros a abandonné sa solitude mais reste toujours le point central autour duquel gravitent les énergies, Haddock joue un rôle important : il est le contrepoint graphique et rythmique de Tintin. Cette planche le démontre à merveille. Hergé cherche constamment l'équilibre entre les espaces blancs — le décor très précis, tel qu'il est dessiné ici, avec les arbres et surtout le feuillage — et la ligne encrée des personnages, tout en flexibilité. Que ce soit pour marquer la surprise et la colère de Haddock, ou la retenue de Tintin, la plume du dessinateur n'hésite pas un instant sur la voie à emprunter. À cet égard, la dernière case de la planche est une parfaite illustration de son style : Tintin ne court pas, il est suspendu dans un espace graphique qu'il domine sans ostentation, et il incarne à lui seul le raffinement de la ligne claire. Les Bijoux de la Castafiore dans tout leur éclat. Estimation 250 000 - 350 000 € Sold for 404,480 €

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2014-11-22
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HERGE LE CRABE AUX PINCES D’OR Encre de Chine et mine de plomb pour

HERGE LE CRABE AUX PINCES D'OR Encre de Chine et mine de plomb pour la couverture de l'album ' Le Crabe aux Pinces d'Or ', publiée aux éditions Casterman en 1942 en version dite ' Grande Image ' et en 1943 pour l'album couleurs. L'album est encore édité de nos jours avec cette couverture. Pièce de musée. Format : 42 x 31 cm. Encadrée. Le Crabe aux Pinces d'Or est à plus d'un titre un album charnière dans l'œuvre d'Hergé. Tout d'abord, cet album voit l'apparition du Capitaine Haddock ; d'abord relégué à un rôle mineur, il s'affirmera comme le compagnon d'aventures le plus fidèle de Tintin et Milou. Seules 6 couvertures d'albums représentent ces 3 personnages de face. Les autres couvertures sont soit axées sur Tintin et Milou seuls ou représentent nos héros de dos, au mieux de profil. Le Crabe aux Pinces d'Or est par ailleurs le premier album à être réalisé dans un contexte de guerre et d'occupation, celui de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale et de l'occupation allemande. L'occupation de la Belgique contraint Hergé à abandonner les aventures de ' Tintin au pays de l'or noir '. La fin du journal ' Le Vingtième Siècle ' et de son supplément amène Hergé à rejoindre le journal d'occupation ' Le Soir-Jeunesse ' dans lequel il publiera à partir du 17 octobre 1940 ' Le Crabe aux pinces d'or '. Tout d'abord à raison d'une double page par semaine puis une demi-feuille pour finir par un strip quotidien de 4 cm sur 17 dans le Journal ' Le Soir ' à partir du 3 septembre 1941. Cette contrainte amènera Hergé à développer une nouvelle technique narrative afin d'entretenir un suspens à la fin de chaque strip et non à la fin de chaque double page comme c'était le cas pour les albums précédents. De par cette contrainte, cet album s'avère être l'un des plus denses, des plus riches, des plus efficaces et des plus rythmés. Le journal Le Soir publiant à 300 000 exemplaires, la visiblité des aventures de Tintin s'en trouve accrue. C'est à partir de la sortie de cet album que les ventes commenceront à décoller. Le succès éditorial ne se démentira pas par la suite. Cet album sera par ailleurs le dernier à paraître en noir et blanc. Estimation 350 000 - 400 000 € Sold for 372,028 €

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2009-03-14
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THE MALTESE FALCON, 1941

THE MALTESE FALCON, 1941 The bronze patina lead statue in the image of a falcon; The serial number WB90066 engraved twice on the underside and on the back of the tailfeathers. The statue weighs forty five pounds; slashes to the left of the head and shoulder -11 1/2 in. high. The detective classic with it's moody images and sinister atmosphere, starred Humphrey Bogart as ace-sleuth Sam Spade. Co-starring with Mr. Bogart were Sydney Greenstreet, Mary Astor and Peter Lorre. Debuting director John Huston set the standard of American film noir with this breakthrough style drama. In the film the Falcon, believed to be filled with precious jewels, is slashed on the shoulder by Sydney Greenstreet after an international chase. The Falcon received as much attention off-screen as it did on. During the filming Robert Taplinger of Warner Bros. Studio Publicity department released the following: In a freak accident which injured Humphrey Bogart yesterday, the actor saved Lee Patrick's toes at the expense of his own...The relatively small but disproportionately heavy prop slipped from the actress' hands just as Bogart reached for it. He thrust Ms. Patrick back and tried to jump back himself, but was not quick enough to save the tips of the toes on his left foot...He was able to continue work without a perceptible limp, and to kid Miss Patrick with the crack: "This is what I get for saving you when you tried to give me the bird." Renowned actor, producer and director William Conrad, a close friend of studio chief Jack Warner, received the Falcon during his tenure on the Warner Bros. lot in the 1960s. The bird has rested on a bookshelf in Mr. Conrad's West Coast home ever since. While it is common practice to create several duplicate props that are key to a film, it appears that only two lead birds were ever made. Only one other authentic lead Falcon has ever been known to exist, in the collection of Dr. Gary Milan; it has been exhibited by Warner Bros. in 1992 at the Museum of Modern Art in New York and at the studio's restrospective anniversary exhibit at the Pompidou Center in Paris. Exhibition: The Falcon from The Estate of William Conrad has been on exhibition at Disney-M.G.M. Studios, Walt Disney World, Orlando Florida; September 13 - November 13, 1994.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 1994-12-06
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FRANQUIN André (1924 - 1997) GASTON LAGAFFE Encre de Chine et écoline

FRANQUIN André (1924 - 1997) GASTON LAGAFFE Encre de Chine et écoline de couleur pour la couverture de l'album « Des Gaffes et des Dégâts », 6ème album de la série, publié en 1968 aux Editions Dupuis. Signée. 30 x 24 cm. Bel encadrement. Pièce de musée. Première et seule couverture d'album en couleur et au format A4 pour cette série. C'est également le premier album composé de gags en 4 strips, signe de l'importance qu'a pris cette série au sein du journal Spirou. Un certificat d'authenticité signé par Isabelle Florence Franquin et daté du 20 décembre 2009 sera remis à l'acheteur. Album-clef de la série puisque 1968 correspond à l'arrêt par Franquin de la série Spirou au profit exclusif de la série Gaston. C'est également cette même année que Franquin se sépare de son jeune collaborateur, Jidéhem. C'est le premier album de Gaston que Franquin réalisera seul. C'est également avec cet album que naît le Gaffophone qui est l'objet central de la couverture ici présentée. C'est pour finir avec cet album qu'apparaît pour la dernière fois le personnage de Fantasio. Ce n'est pas un hasard si le gag de la couverture correspond à la chute du portrait de Fantasio dont Gaston s'affranchit définitivement et avec une joie non dissimulée. Cette couverture est donc pleine de sous-entendus et exprime très clairement tous ces changements majeurs dans la vie et la carrière de l'artiste. Indian ink and Ecoline watercolours for the cover of the comic book " Des Gaffes et des Dégâts ", sixth comic book of the series, published in 1968 by Editions Dupuis. Signed. Quality framing. Museum quality. First and sole comic book cover in colour and size A4 for this series. It's also the first comic book made with jokes in 4 strips, showing this series rising importance in the Spirou journal. A certificate of authenticity by Isabelle Florence Franquin, dated December 29th, 2009 will be delivered to the purchaser. Most significant comic book of the series, because in 1968 Franquin stopped working on the Spirou series to work exclusively for this of Gaston. Franquin split up in the same year the collaboration with young Jidéhem. Therefore it's the first Gaston comic book Franquin executed alone. Also with this comic book was born the Goffophone, which is in focus of the here presented cover. In this comic book appears also for the last time the character Fantasio. So it's no coincidence that the cover's joke corresponds at the downfall of Fantasio's portrait, depicting Gaston finally released and in undisguised joy. Implying many allusions this cover clearly shows all major changes in the artist's life and career. Estimation 150 000 - 200 000 € Sold for 315,171 €

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2010-03-13
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Circa 1919-22 walter johnson washington senators road jersey

Walter Johnson: “The Big Train” Hailing from tiny Weiser, Idaho, 19 year old Walter Johnson was signed by the lackluster Washington Senators to shore up their pitching woes. The Senators needed a shot in the arm. After all, the American League team had losing records in each year since they joined the league in 1902. Initial expectations of the young man some called a country boy was mixed. On the one hand, team officials were overjoyed when they received news that Walter had pitched 75 scoreless innings in the Idaho State League without giving up a single run. On the other hand, one of their more cynical scouts thought that trying to tame the pitchers fast ball in the big leagues was like going on “a wild goose chase”. However, fate blessed not only the Capital City but anyone who loved the game of baseball when Walter came to the District of Columbia to hone his skill on the mound in 1907. Sure he spent each of his magnificent seasons with only one team, the Washington Senators, but he, in a sense, belonged to all. He became, simply, the number one baseball pitching star in a galaxy of stars with names revered a century later, names like Cy Young, Grover “Old Pete” Alexander and Christy Mathewson. By the time “The Big Train” finished his spectacular playing career, he had notched 416 victories backed by a generally weak hitting team with 110 of them by shutout, struck out over 3,500 batters and led his team to a Worlds Championship. The modest gentleman became an idol to millions nationwide. Walter Johnson, the greatest right handed pitcher of them all, was elected to the Hall of Fame in 1936, among the first class of men selected for baseball’s greatest honor. “Swat” In late 1922 Eric “Swat” Erickson retired to his farm in the small town of Jamestown, New York after concluding a solid seven-year career in Major League Baseball.  The crafty right-handed pitcher appeared in 145 games in the “bigs” winning 40 and losing 50 as a member of the New York Giants, Detroit Tigers and Washington Senators. When Erickson stepped out of the baseball limelight and settled back into the “country life” of farming and raising his family, he brought home to Jamestown memories and stories of having played with and against some of the greatest baseball players of the first quarter century. Among those recollections recorded in an interview by his hometown newspaper, in the 1970’s Erickson stated unequivocally ”Ruth was the greatest slugger of them all, don’t ever let anyone tell you any different, but Walter Johnson was the greatest pitcher.” Few could offer such an appraisal with better perspective. From 1919-1922 Eric Erickson and Walter Johnson had the privilege of each other’s company as friends and teammates with the Washington Senators. Erickson a solid contributor in his own right to the Senators pitching staff, witnessed Johnson at the height of his greatness from a vantage unlike any other. Their time together with the Senators coincided with the twilight of Johnson’s reign as the games dominant hurler. In Johnson, Erickson bore witness to a living legend. The impression was lasting.  In addition to the memories from which countless tales would be spun, Erickson carried home with him to Jamestown in 1922 other career mementos, which he tucked away in the farmhouse he had built himself by hand. The modest accumulation included typical objects such as photographs, programs, articles, pins and ticket stubs. One other item made its way back to the farm from Washington – an item that today stands as one of the games greatest treasures. For Erickson, in spite of having worn many different jerseys throughout his professional baseball career, carried home with him a single jersey, and it was not his own. “A Washington Monument” After more than 80 years of preservation by Eric “Swat” Erickson and his heirs, we are privileged to present the only known game worn Walter Johnson jersey in private hands. Manufactured by Spalding, the grey pinstriped road jersey is constructed of thick flannel. Underneath the manufacturers tag in the collar in Johnson’s last name in finely scripted red stitching. A heavily embroidered “W” adorns each of the three-quarter length sleeves in black. The present state appears to have changed little since it was last worn by Walter. Every aspect of the jersey is unchanged, including all six original buttons. Its condition is superb, with substantial, but not excessive wear that gives it ideal display quality. Outside of the only other known Walter Johnson jersey that resides in the National Baseball Hall of Fame, this is the finest object ever discovered related to “The Big Train” and it is a national monument to baseball greatness. Articles of provenance include: A notarized letter of provenance form Eric Erickson’s granddaughter. Copies of original newspaper articles related to Erickson and Johnson. Copies of photographs of Erickson and Johnson, including two of them together (shown). A comprehensive LOA from Dave Grob, Dave Bushing and Troy Kinunen of MEARS (Grade A10).

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 2006-06-24
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HERGÉ Georges Remi dit (1907 - 1983) TINTIN LE SCEPTRE D’OTTOKAR Encre

HERGÉ Georges Remi dit (1907 - 1983) TINTIN LE SCEPTRE D'OTTOKAR Encre de Chine, lavis bleu et rehauts de gouache blanche pour la double planche publiée pages 93 et 94 de l'album « Le Sceptre d'Ottokar », 8ème album de la série, publié en 1939 aux éditions Casterman. Prépubliée dans le journal « Le Petit Vingtième » n° 25 daté du 22 juin 1939. Signée à l'encre de Chine en bas à gauche de la dernière case de la partie droite. Le lavis bleu a servi au positionnement de la trame de gris de la publication en journal puis en album. 39,6 x 59,7 cm. Encadrée. Excellent état de conservation, quelques légères piqûres et rousseurs dans les marges, sans gravité. L'aquarelle bleue est bien visible et n'a pas subi d'altération de couleur. Quelques discrets trous d'épingles aux angles, une déchirure de 3 cm dans la grande marge inférieure droite. Pièce de musée. « Le Sceptre d'Ottokar » est l'un des sommets de l'œuvre d'Hergé. Tout y est : engagement politique « du bon coté » ; récit rebondissant ; mystère de la gémellité ; travail sur le symbolisme (le pélican) ; apparition de la Castafiore… etc. Le dessin de cet album est sidérant de froideur sensuelle. Hergé y accède pleinement à ce que l'on baptisera plus tard la « ligne claire ». Dans cette double planche, qui est un chef-d'œuvre d'image-mouvement, est développé le rapport ascétique de Tintin avec la nourriture. Du pain, mais pas de vin ! Tintin ne dira pas la messe de la gastronomie. Pierre Sterckx Estimation 250 000 - 300 000 € Sold for 307,785 €

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2010-10-09
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Rituale/Pontifikale, Sakramentar, Kalendar und komputistischer Anhang.

Für die Kathedrale Notre-Dame in Le Puy-en-Velay, 11. Jh. (wohl Mitte), Pergament, 276 Blätter(Grundstock bis auf ein Blatt nach fol. 96 ohne Textverlust), 17,5/18 x 11/11,5 cm, Schriftspiegel: ca. 13,5/14 x 8/8,5 cm, 24-28 Zeilen, sorgfältige karolingische Minuskel(e-caudata, vereinzelt noch ae, ct-Ligatur nicht gesprengt, NT-Nexus am Wortende, altertümliche "ro"-Ligatur, die weit in die Oberlänge reicht (z. B. 202r)); einzelne neumierte Abschnitte (11r, 53v- 54r, 56r, 99v, 128v, 153v-154v, 163r-164v, 193v, 200v, 249r,253r) tw. schon mit Blindlinierung. Wissenschaftlich (liturgiegeschichtlich) hoch bedeutende Handschrift, wohl die älteste für diese Diözese nachweisbare. - Durchgehend farbige Initialen, viele mit Flechtwerkdekor. 18 größere Initialen, bemerkenswerte Doppelseite mit zwei sehr großen Flechtwerkinitialen (Vere dignum und Te igitur) mit zoomorphen Motiven. Kanontafelartig gerahmte Tabellen und eine Seite mit Ornamentrahmen um den Schriftspiegel. Der außergewöhnliche Wert des Codex liegt in seinem von jeder Restaurierung unberührten Zustand, seinem hohen Alter, der einheitlichen Ausstattung und der wissenschaftlich kaum zu überschätzenden Zusammenstellung von (tw. unbekannten?) Texten. Buchschmuck: Die Flechtwerkbuchstaben können in rote Fortsätze auslaufen, die mit Silhouettenmotiven besetzt sind (z. B. 39v, 143v), mitunter verstecken sich auch zoomorphe Motive: 56r (Vogel im Buchstabenkörper), 73r, 176r (Tierkopf), 237r (die beiden Bögen des runden d aus je einem stilisierten Vogel), 251v (Fisch). Im Sakramentarteil (ab fol. 164r) oft mehrere farbig gestaltete Initialen pro Seite. Bemerkenswert sind die an funktionalistisches Design erinnernden O-Initialen (vor allem 167v) und M-Formen, die aus einer P-Form und ihrem vertikal gespiegelten Gegenpart bestehen (z. B. 244v, 249r). Hauptschmuck ist die Dekoration der Doppelseite 164v und 165r: Die halbseitige V(ere dignum)-Initiale markiert den Beginn der Präfation, die gegenüberliegende Te (igitur)-Initiale den Beginn des Hochgebetes. Die Initialen sind aus roten Konturleisten aufgebaut, die sich an Punkten, an denen sich Schäfte treffen, und an den Endstellen zu aufwendigem Flechtwerk verknoten. Beide Initialen zusätzlich durch zoomorphe Elemente (Tierköpfe) hervorgehoben. Jeweils Textanschluss in stark ornamentalisierter Zierschrift. Die Schrift der zweieinhalb Zeilen oberhalb der Te-igitur-Initiale zeigt Schriftformen, die so nur aus frühkarolingischen (anglosächsisch beeinflussten) Vorlagen zu erklären sind (cc-a; Epsilon-E vor allem bei Ligaturen). Dieselbe bewusste Rückbesinnung auf traditionelle Formen prägt alle Zierbuchstaben und erklärt auch die Formen des Textanschlusses. Zusammen mit Beobachtungen zur Textüberlieferung, wo Alquin, Abt von Saint-Martin in Tours, eine wichtige Rolle spielt, ist der Initialstil in Tours in der ersten Hälfte des 9. Jhs. als Vorbild wahrscheinlich (z. B. London, BL, Egerton 609). Romanische Rankenmotive fehlen hingegen gänzlich. Zeitnah tritt ein ähnlicher Initialstil in drei Codices für Hugues de Champallement, Bischof von Nevers (Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 17.333, lat. 9449 [auch mit vergleichbarer Notation], Bibl. Mazarine, Ms. 1708, fol. 61r–154v) auf. Bemerkenswert sind rote oft astartige Ornamente mit Silhouettenblättern am seitlichen Rand, die als Textmarker dienen (z. B. 83r); dieselbe Funktion haben die roten Zeichen am Rand einiger Seiten (141v–144r, 163r). Der Beginn des Rituale-Sakramentar-Abschnitts (11r) mit Rahmenbordüre um den Schriftspiegel. Die ornamentale Gestaltung des Rahmens unvollendet. Der komputistische Anhang (ab 263v) mit rot gezeichneten Schemata und Tabellen (263v–264r fast seitengroße Kreisschemata, 269v, 270r); 264v und 276v kanontafel-artig gestaltete Tabellen. Einband: Die Buchdeckel fehlen; vom Hinterdeckel ein schmales Holzbrett erhalten. Die Bindung auf drei Doppelbünde bis auf die erste Lage fest. Der Blick auf den unbedeckten Rücken zeigt sonst verborgene Teile eines hochmittelalterlichen Buches. Provenienz: Die Entstehung in Le Puy-en-Velay durch den Eintrag der Kirchweihe und lokaler Heiliger gesichert (s. u.). Der Codex gelangte im (frühen) 15. Jh. nach Böhmen, wie Eintragungen im Martyriologium belegen: 28. Sept. (261r) Nachtrag: Item Prage Wenceslao ducis Boemi; Bestätigung auf fol. 262r: Item in Boem__ in ecclesia Bolosav_ (Alt Bunzlau). Zugehörig der unbestimmbare Besitzvermerk auf fol. 1v: pertinet magistro Johanni und diverse Nachträge. Inhalt: Rituale (liturgische Anweisungen für den Priester) und Saktamentar (für den Bischof) sind im 11. Jh. noch nicht klar getrennt. Zudem sind die sakramentalen und Weihehandlungen vielfach noch einzelnen Festen des Kirchenjahres zugeordnet und nur tw. abgesondert. Viele der rot bzw. zeilenweise abwechselnd rot und schwarz geschriebenen, ausführlichen liturgischen Anweisungen im Rituale/Pontifikale sind derzeit nicht nachweisbar, in zwei Fällen scheinen Vorlagen Alquins Pate gestanden zu haben (133r, 138r). Die Zusammenstellung der Handschrift als ganze aber auch die Textabfolge der beiden Hauptteile ist für mich bisher nicht nachweisbar. Im Sakramentarteil ist zudem auf die Missae Alquini zu verweisen. 1r–11r (…) 1v Besitzvermerk (s. o.); 2rv Inhaltsverzeichnis (15. Jh.); 4r–10v Fragmentarischer Text (Anfang fehlt) zum Athanasischen Glaubensbekenntnis (vgl. PL 213, Sp. 735); 10v A(ntiphona) Missus est angelus; 11r Sequentia in festivitate omnium sanctorum: Sancta Dei mater virgo benigna Maria (Analecta hymnica 10, 152), ab Strophe 5a (Omnes Domini) neumiert. 11v–164v Rituale/Pontifikale: Vergleiche als Grundlage C. Vogel, R. Elze, Le pontifical romano-germanique du dixième siècle, Vatikan 1963 (PRG). Nachweise zu Texten aus dem Sakramentar nach Deshusses (s. u). Bemerkenswert ist, dass Kernbestände des Pontifikale, vor allem die Personenweihen, nicht aufgenommen wurden. – 11v–21r Taufritus primär auf die Osternachtsfeier bezogen. (…) 20r (in rot) Ordo ad caticuminum fatientum ex pagano sive iudeo: Gentilem hominem cum suscepris (PL 74, Sp. 1127a) – 20v–22r Ordo confirmationis (Firmung) 20v–21r (rot und schwarz) Cum autem baptizati fuerint infantes statuantur per ordinem (…) – 22r–45r Krankenbesuch und -salbung: (...) 29v (rot und schwarz) Tunc si necessitas ungendi cogerit infirmum agatur (…) 39rv Hymnus zur Krankensalbung: Christe cȩlestis medicina patris verus humanȩ (Analecta Hymnica 27, Nr. 208) (…) – 45r–63r Totenoffizien: 45r (rot und schwarz) Incipit ordo in agenda mortuorum: Quod oporteat unum quemque vocationis; 45v Julianus Toletanus, Prognosticon, cap. 16: Inc. Cum extrema vitȩ finis (mit erheblichen Lesarten; vgl. PL 96, Sp. 472) (…) 51v–63r Zwei Totenvigilien. Die Untersuchung der Responsorien (nach Ottosen) erlaubt keine Lokalisierung. (…) – 63r–90r Benedictionale (Segensgebete): (…) 64v–65r (rot und schwarz) Postea vero clerus Ant. cantando circumeunt claustrum et ȩcclesias cum cruce; 65r–67v diverse Orationes (vor allem auch in klösterlichen Orten): Deshusses 3, Nr. 4304 etc.; unter anderem 65v–66r: In scriptorio: Benedicere digneris Deus hoc scriptorium (PRG 2, Nr. 197) – 97v–138v Rituale im Jahreskreis (Ordines romani): 97v–100r Purificatio; 100r–133r Fastenzeit (mit Rituale zur Beichte); 126r Gründonnerstag; 126v–133v Karfreitag (…) 133rv Quando hanc crucem adoramus omne corpus nostrum hereat terrȩ (E. Martène, De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus [1737], Sp. 363f. (als Alquin) (...); 133v–138r Osternacht (...) 137v–138r (rot und schwarz) Baptizatis confirmatisque infantibus pontifex vel sacerdas progrediens; 138r (rot und schwarz) In vigilia pente(costen) ita agitur sicut in sabbato sancto paschȩ: Antequam enim descendantur ad fontes ad baptizandum (vgl. PL 101, Sp. 1225d–1226b: Alquin) – 138v–154v Messgesänge im Jahreskreis beginnend mit dem 4. Adventsonntag: (…) 153v–154v A(ntiphon) Emitte spiritum sanctum tuum (Cantus 992643, a00294, 001796a, 002589, jew. mit Neumen) – 155r–163r Ordo sacerdotalis ad missam; 163v In pent(e)ch(ostem) introitus; griechisch in lateinischen Buchstaben; Veni sancte spiritus (Cantus 005327); jeweils Notation mit Linien (weitgehend Blindlinierung); 164r XII s(unt) abusivas Dei. Hoc est sapiens sine operibus, senex sine religione (Ps-Augustinus); 164r Crucifixum in carne ac sepultum ___ glorificate resurgentemque clemorte adorat (mit Neumen). 164r–253v Sacramentar Nachweise nach Jean Deshusses, le sacramentaire Grégorien, Freiburg/CH 1992. – 164r–167r Canon missae (Deshusses 1, Nr. 1–20); mit großen Initialen zum Vere dignum (164v) und Te igitur (165r); 164v Ite laudantes Deum atque Dominum semper missa est (mit Neumen) – 167r–180v Messgebete (u. a. Jahreskreis, Commune, Kirchweihe, Votivmessen); zu Mariae Verkündigung offenbar Sondergut; ab 174r stark von den Missae Alquini, einer turonensischen Sonderquelle, bestimmt (vgl. Deshusses, 1, S. 64–66; 2, S. 25f.). – 180v–184v Messen für den Zelebranten selbst. Diese Typus grundsätzlich üblich, hier jedoch individuell eine übergroße Anzahl von Formularen (tw. nicht nachweisbar). – 184v–203r Weitere Votivmessen. – 203r Nachtrag, zeitnah: Deshusses 2, Nr. 2564–2566 (Cod. Tu1, Tu2 [aus Saint-Martin de Tours] brechen erstaunlicher Weise einige Worte früher als die hier vorliegende Hs.); 203v leer – 204r–214v Totenmessen – 214v–233v Auswahllektionar – 234r–253v weitere Messgebete im Jahreskreis. Abgeschlossen wird das Sakramentar mit zwei lokalen Offizien: 253r XI kal Aug sancti Menelei conf.: Deus qui hodierna die … famuli tui Menelei anima. Der hl. Meneleus wird als Neugründer des Klosters Menat am 22. Juli gefeiert; 253rv II Non Oct sancte Fidis virg. et mart.: Deus qui inter cetera potentiȩ. Die Heilige (Sainte-Foy) lebte in Agen und wird am 6. Oktober gefeiert; 253v drei Gesänge teilweise mit Neumen: Benedicat nos Deus, Deus noster, benedicat nos, Deus Pater et Filius et Spiritus sanctus. V Benedicat nos sancta magestas et indivisa (?) _tutas (für trinitas?) qui est verus Deus in secula seculorum. V. Benedicat nos sancta trinitas et custodiat nos semper. Amen. 254r–263r Kalendar auf Basis eines Martyriologiums; die Auswahl der Eintragungen ungewöhnlich, römische Betreffe erstaunlich unterrepräsentiert. Ein Vergleich mit dem Martyriologium von Autun (Antissiodorensis) ergibt nur wenige zusätzliche Einträge. Für die Lokalisierung entscheidend ist der Eintrag zum 11. Juli (258v): V ID (…) Aput Anicium dedicatio ȩcclesiȩ sanctȩ MARIȨ virginis (Kirchweih des Mariendoms von Le Puy-en-Velay). Weitere Einträge zu Le Puy bestätigen die Lokalisierung: 1. Feb. (254v): Aput Anicium nat. sancti Agrippani epi. et mart. (Agrippanus, Bischof von Le Puy); 10. Nov. (262r): Apud Anicium sancti Georgii epi. et conf.; 11. Nov. Apud Anicium sanctorum confessorum Evodii, Scrutari (!), Aureliani, Ermentari, Suacri cum so(cio). Die Eintragungen in diesem Codex stellen eine wichtige neue Quelle zur liturgischen Verehrung früher Christen und Bischöfe Le Puys dar. 263v–271r Komputistischer Anhang: (…) 263v–264r zwei Kreisschemata zum römischen Kalender. Identische Schemata in einer in Lyon im 11. Jh. entstandenen Handschrift in London (BL, Sloane 263, 47v–48r; abweichender Begleittext) (…) 264v Kalenderschema in Form einer Kanontafel; 265r–268v Rithmus Dionisii de maio compacto (MGH Poetae 4/2, S. 674–682); 268v–269r Beda venerabilis, Hymnus primus de ratione temporum (vgl. PL 94, Sp. 605–606D) (...) 270v Komputistische Tabelle in Form einer Kanontafel; 270v–271r Inc. Saltus lunȩ de quo varie disputatur a multis doctoribus a Beda ita diffinitur: Quamquam Anatolius et Victorinus et omnes orientales diversa inter se de hac ratione senserint (das Beda-Zitat nicht nachweisbar). – 271v–272v, 276rv Nachträge (15. Jh.); unter anderem ein Offizium zur Glockenweihe; 273r–275v leer. Dr. Martin Roland, M.A.S. – Wien, im März 2015 Es steht eine umfangreiche wissenschaftliche Erstbeschreibung zur Verfügung, die bei Interesse gerne übermittelt wird. Von Seiten der Wissenschaft besteht großes Interesse an der Bearbeitung des Codex: Eine Studie zu musikwissenschaftlichen Fragen (R. Klugseder, Bedeutende, bisher unbekannte liturgisch-musikalische Quellen aus Salzburg und Le-Puy-en-Velay) wird in den Beiträgen zur Gregorianik 2015 (Festschrift H. Rumphorst) erscheinen. Der Käufer wird ersucht, diese Werte schaffende Zusammenarbeit weiter zu fördern. Provenienz: Europäische Privatsammlung. Experte: Mag. Andreas Löbbecke

  • AUTAustria
  • 2015-06-01
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HERGÉ

HERGÉ TINTIN COKE EN STOCK (T.19), CASTERMAN 1958 Planche originale n°26, prépubliée dans Le Journal de Tintin belge n°17 d’avril 1957. Encre de Chine sur papier 33,5 X 49,5 CM (13,19 X 19,49 IN.) Il s’agit de la planche 26 de l’album Coke en stock, la dix-neuvième en date des Aventures de Tintin, dont l’album est paru en 1958. Il s’agit aussi d’une des 4 planches, sur les 62 que compte l’épisode, qui ne fait pas partie du patrimoine du Musée Hergé de Louvain-la-Neuve. Ce récit a été imaginé par Hergé au début de l’année 1956, alors que se termine la prépublication de L’Affaire Tournesol dans l’hebdomadaire Tintin. Il l’a découpé et esquissé à son rythme au cours des années 1956 et 1957, sans avoir recours à ses collaborateurs. La planche 26, ici présentée, a été réalisée au cours du premier trimestre 1957, et fut prépubliée dans l’hebdomadaire Tintin le 24 avril 1957. Non seulement elle permet au capitaine Haddock d’exprimer, auprès de Tintin et en compagnie de Milou, toute l’étendue de ses potentialités expressives, mais elle consacre un rapprochement aussi caché qu’inattendu entre Georges Remi dit Hergé et son frère cadet Paul, cavalier émérite. Alors que Le Journal de Tintin n’en était pas encore à la moitié de la prépublication de L’Affaire Tournesol, la lecture d’un article intitulé « Il y a encore des marchands d’esclaves », publié le 25 juin 1955 dans Paris-Match, avait retenu l’attention d’Hergé. Son auteur, Georges de Caunes, y rapportait le témoignage d’un Noir originaire de Bamako, musulman, qui était passé du statut de serviteur à celui d’esclave, avant d’être revendu comme tel à La Mecque, et avait réussi à s’évader après dix ans de servitude. L’idée de confronter Tintin à un trafic d’esclaves avait depuis lors cheminé dans l’esprit du dessinateur. Durant les premières semaines de l’année 1956, Hergé couche sur papier le premier synopsis d’une nouvelle histoire, qu’il intitule d’emblée Coke en stock. Cherchant à rejoindre l’émir Ben Kalish Ezab, qui se cache dans les montagnes, Tintin et Haddock ont trouvé refuge à Wadesdah, chez cette vieille connaissance d’Oliveira da Figueira. Leur tête étant mise à prix, ils se sont déguisés en femmes arabes pour échapper aux soldats de Bab El Ehr. Une autochtone vient fortuitement de mettre au jour leur stratagème, et court donner l’alerte. Conservés en archives, les premiers brouillons d’Hergé montraient les fugitifs rejoindre le guide qui les attendait, et monter à cheval. Une case présentait le capitaine, hébété, agrippé au cou de sa monture, et répondant à Tintin qui s’inquiétait de sa tenue en selle : « J’ai toujours beaucoup… aimé… le cheval… » Ce n’était qu’une première approche. En compulsant sa documentation, le dessinateur remet la main sur une vieille lettre de son frère Paul, émaillée de croquis de sa main. Il l’avait reçue (et soigneusement classée à toutes fins utiles) en 1937, lorsqu’il avait interrogé son cadet, expert dans ce domaine, quant à l’attitude de galop qu’il conviendrait de donner à Tintin et à sa monture sur la nouvelle couverture de l’album Tintin en Amérique. Quelque vingt ans plus tard, c’est cette missive qui donne à Hergé l’idée de détailler en une succession de poses burlesques (et muettes) les “exploits” équestres d’un Haddock en froid avec ses étriers. Un capitaine qu’on avait déjà vu se faire désarçonner au début des 7 Boules de cristal. Mais cette fois encore, comme en 1937, il a respecté la consigne de son cadet : lorsqu’elle est mise au galop de charge, la monture pointe les oreilles en arrière. L’apparition inopinée sur cette planche (case 11) du docteur Müller, ennemi juré de Tintin (comme l’est Rastapopoulos), alors qu’il n’intervenait pas du tout sur les brouillons, permet assurément de dater la confection de cette partie du récit. Même mieux que ne pourrait le faire un recours au Carbone 14 ! En effet, ce « Mull Pacha », prestement mis au service du sheik Bab El Ehr, n’a pu surgir ici que parce que la presse de mars 1956 a fait écho à la destitution par le jeune roi Hussein de Jordanie de l’officier britannique John Bagot Glubb, dit Glubb Pacha, qui commandait depuis 1939 la fameuse Légion arabe. Müller n’interviendra qu’au cours de cette courte séquence, mais Hergé n’en sera pas pris pour autant en flagrant délit d’incohérence : la presse internationale exposée à la fin du récit le dépeindra bel et bien comme l’organisateur de la révolution survenue au Khemed pour renverser l’émir Mohammed Ben Kalish Ezab. Quant aux « autos-mitrailleuses » (en fait, des engins blindés Daimler 676 de l’armée française) que ledit Mull Pacha lance à la poursuite des fugitifs, elles n’ont pu intervenir à la case 12 de cette planche, et se voir pulvérisées dès la suivante, que grâce à l’observation scrupuleuse par les collaborateurs d’Hergé d’un modèle réduit Dinky Toys acquis par les Studios Hergé en même temps que deux maquettes à monter Revell, dont celle du chasseur bombardier De Havilland Mosquito MK IV requise pour détailler (notamment) les cases 13 et 14 de cette planche. Avec les décors sans doute confiés eux aussi à ses collaborateurs, ces cases purement techniques nous révèlent à quel point leur part de travail coexiste harmonieusement avec la « patte » d’Hergé. Car ce dernier est l’auteur incontestable des personnages et des chevaux ici présentés, et l’opérateur exclusif du tracé, de la mise en place à la mise au net à l’encre de Chine.

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2016-05-21
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HERGÉ Georges REMI dit 1907 – 1983

HERGÉ Georges REMI dit 1907 – 1983 LE SCEPTRE D'OTTOKAR Encre de Chine, aquarelle bleue et gouache blanche pour la page 75 de cet album publié en 1939 chez Casterman. Prépublié dans le Petit Vingtième, supplément du journal Le Vingtième Siècle, du 4 août 1938 au 10 août 1939. Superbe planche dans laquelle on remarque la présence des Dupond/t et du roi. Assurément Hergé est au sommet de son art. Cette période se prolongera au début des années 40 avec les Le secret de la Licorne et Rackham le Rouge. 41,5 x 30 cm. Longtemps Hergé a cherché sa voie. Dans les années 30, la bande dessinée est encore une discipline en devenir, mais par-delà les improvisations talentueuses, à travers lesquelles dessin et récit s'éprouvent mutuellement, les premières aventures de Tintin ne manquent pas de qualités, le dessinateur explorant méthodiquement les possibilités de cette mise en images. Ce n'est qu'à partir de 1938, avec la publication dans Le Petit Vingtième du Sceptre d'Ottokar, que l'art d'Hergé atteint sa maturité : la ligne claire dans ce qu'elle a de plus abouti, une vie intérieure ingresque où encre de Chine et imaginaire forment un cercle parfait. D'infimes touches de blanc, de l'aquarelle bleue, et la plume du dessinateur s'arrête là. La limpidité et l'équilibre sont tels que le dessin fonctionne de manière entièrement autonome, comme une économie en circuit fermé, et il se passerait presque de bulles et de tout autre élément indiciel. Raffinement de l'épure en son point d'achèvement, le trait s'exprime seul, reléguant sans le vouloir l'histoire au second plan : la ligne claire, après maintes circonvolutions, a trouvé sa plénitude. Le Sceptre d'Ottokar est le point culminant de la première période d'Hergé, celle de toutes les libertés au cours de laquelle Tintin et Milou voyagent, explorent le monde et dialoguent sans aucune contrainte. Également libertés du dessinateur, qui affine et perfectionne, page après page, case après case, les structures qu'il a lui?même et souvent de façon instinctive, mises en place. Restent des images en noir et blanc, en tout point élégantes, patiemment construites et ordonnées, entre minutie et fulgurance. Une stylisation d'une très grande subtilité qui sait ne retenir que l'indispensable, une esthétique inconsciente et une relecture de la réalité qui captivent en un instant, et pour très longtemps, l'imagination du lecteur. Estimation 200 000 - 300 000 € Sold for 278,080 €

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2014-11-22
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"Shoeless" Joe Jackson 1917-21 Signature Model "Black Betsy" Game Bat - Only Known Career Contemporary Example

"Shoeless" Joe Jackson 1917-21 Signature Model "Black Betsy" Game Bat - Only Known Career Contemporary Example, "Shoeless Joe" His name forever will be associated with the messiest episode in baseball history. His lifetime ban and exclusion from Hall of Fame consideration are viewed by many as a travesty of justice. But there's one thing nobody can take away from Shoeless Joe Jackson: his reputation as the greatest natural hitter in the game's long history. Ty Cobb thought he was. An impressed Babe Ruth copied his batting style. Other contemporaries, such as Tris Speaker, Nap Lajoie and Eddie Collins, marveled at the slashing line drives that whipped off his oversized bat that he affectionately dubbed "Black Betsy". During the 13 years (1908-20) he starred for the Philadelphia Athletics, Cleveland Indians and Chicago White Sox, the lefthanded-hitting, righthanded-throwing left fielder never met a pitcher he couldn't hit. Jackson stood well back in the box, feet close together, and unleashed his big, even swing—unlike the short, punching jabs of other top dead-ball hitters. The only thing missing from the 6-1, 200-pounder's offensive arsenal was the great speed that gave Cobb the additional hits he needed to win 12 batting championships. Jackson, who topped the 200-hit plateau four times, batted .408 for the Indians in 1911—losing the batting title to Cobb's .420— and .395 the following year en route to a whopping .356 career mark, third all-time behind Cobb and Rogers Hornsby. Jackson, who earned his nickname as a minor leaguer when he played a game in his stocking feet because of a blister, helped the White Sox to a championship in 1917. But his exact role in the 1919 Black Sox scandal will never be known. There's no doubt the illiterate country kid from the Carolina hill country, perhaps caught up unwittingly in something he did not fully understand, enjoyed an outstanding World Series against Cincinnati (.375, a record 12 hits, no errors) while teammates were helping the Reds to victory. One of eight White Sox players banned for life by then-commissioner Kenesaw Mountain Landis, Jackson never played another big-league game—a punishment, right or wrong, that continued long after his 1951 death. "Betsy" After his expulsion from the majors, Jackson fell from grace in the eyes of some, but had become a folk hero to many. His nickname "Shoeless Joe", his infamy, and even the identity of his famous bat "Black Betsy" contributed to that folklore. Of the latter, no other player in sports history ever had a piece of equipment with its own identity of the magnitude of Joe Jackson's bat. The Joe Jackson professional model bat presented here is one of two known bats, and the only full name signature model, manufactured by Louisville Slugger Inc., that can be attributed to being used by Joe Jackson during his active Major League career. The other bat, a factory side written and vault marked J13 model (with Jackson's last name stamped in block letters on the barrel), was returned by Jackson to then J.F. Hillerich & Son Company, in June of 1911, so that more bats of the same model could be made. The specifications of this bat, including its 35.5 inch length and 39.2 ounces weight, are nearly identical to the referenced J13 model that is noted in factory records. This bats 1917-1921 labeling period coincides not only with some of Joe Jackson's most prolific offensive seasons, but also with the White Sox Championship season of 1917 and of course, the infamous 1919 campaign. The bat shows evidence of outstanding use with a substantial handle crack. Many ball marks are visible on the right, left and back barrel. Also visible on the bat are cleat marks and some fading to the finish on the front barrel. Judging by the appearance of the wood, some drying or grain swelling on a section of the barrel could have been reduced by buffing or rubbing with an improvement to the finish having been made in that area. The handle has been scored to enhance the grip. The bat has Jackson's familiar dark barrel and natural handle, which has been characterized as his "Black Betsy" finish. The discovery of this bat is believed to trace back to a large find made at the Louisville Slugger Kentucky headquarters in the mid 1980's. It was first sold publicly by Leland's as part of The Goldstein Collection in 1994, where it was purchased by Bill Nowlin. We are privileged to offer it here as one of the most historically significant game used baseball bats in existence. LOA from John Taube of PSA/DNA (Graded GU7).

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 2008-04-24
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Joe jackson's “black betsy” game used bat from jackson estate

“Shoeless Joe Jackson” Joseph Jefferson Jackson was the eldest of George and Martha Jackson's eight children. As a child Joe worked alongside his father in a textile mill in Brandon Mill, S.C. devoting little time to school. Outside of the mill his interests centered on the game of baseball, and by 13 Joe was starring on the mill's baseball team. Of the formal education he’d all but dismissed, Joe would later say, “I ain't afraid to tell the world that it don't take school stuff to help a fella play ball." Jackson began playing semipro ball at age 18 and quickly advanced to the minors. It was here that he earned his nickname "Shoeless Joe," after playing a game in his stockings because a new pair of spikes had given him blisters on his feet the previous day. Jackson plied his trade as a minor leaguer, (playing occasionally in the big leagues from 1908-1910) developing a swing so pure that Babe Ruth would later admit to copying it. For a man of average size, Jackson showed profound strength, wielding a bat of unusual size, that he affectionately dubbed “Black Betsy”. His unlimited gifts for the game included an arm that could throw a runner out at home plate from 400 feet, and a glove that was called “the place where triples go to die.” In 1911, his first full season in the majors, Jackson batted a remarkable .408 for the Cleveland Indians, setting a rookie record that still stands. In 1915, Jackson was traded to the Chicago White Sox for two undistinguished players and $31,500 to help the financially foundering Cleveland franchise. The trade paid off for owner Charles Comiskey as Jackson went on to help the White Sox to a six-game victory over the New York Giants in the 1917 World Series. At the height of his career, Jackson was an indomitable force at the plate, poised to leave a legacy as one of the game’s all-time greats. Banishment The illiterate mill worker’s son from the hills of South Carolina, gave every shred of himself to the game of baseball and became one the sport’s most celebrated stars. In spite of this, the legacy of “Shoeless” Joe Jackson remains a sad one, tainted by association with the infamous "Black Sox Scandal" of the 1919 World Series. In response to suspicions that the White Sox had thrown the series under the influence of sports bookies, baseball commissioner Judge Kennesaw Mountain Landis banned Joe Jackson and seven of his teammates for life, sending a no-tolerance message regarding the presence of gambling in baseball. Of all the players, Jackson's involvement in the conspiracy seemed the least plausible, as his on-field stats were sparkling -- a .375 batting average and a perfect fielding percentage during the series. A jury later acquitted Jackson of the charges, and despite holding the third highest lifetime batting average in baseball history at .356, the legendary outfielder remains permanently barred from induction to the Hall of Fame in Cooperstown. He could run, hit, and throw the best of them in both leagues, but he lacked judgment, education, and common sense. Being unable to read and write put this Southerner at a distinct disadvantage. Totally out of place in the big city, Joe probably did accept the promise of $5,000 to fix the games. If he chose to ignore the promises, his .375 World Series batting average was not enough to exonerate him. It was a pure tragedy of baseball and the American way of life.   Joe Jackson's “Black Betsy” Game Used Bat From Jackson Estate   “Black Betsy” After his expulsion from the majors, Joe and wife Katherine settled in Savannah, Georgia, where he opened a successful dry cleaning operation and continued to wield his “Black Betsy” for semipro and industrial league teams in the area. The game was ingrained in his heart and soul and, in 1929, the Jacksons moved to Greenville, SC, where Joe would don the uniform of the local nine, the Greenville Spinners. Jackson had fallen from grace in the eyes of some, but had become a folk hero to many. His nickname “Shoeless Joe”, his infamy, and even the identity of his famous bat “Black Betsy” contributed to that folklore. Of the latter, no other player in sports history ever had a piece of equipment with its own identity of the magnitude of Joe Jackson’s bat. It was during Joe’s time with the Greenville Spinners in the early 1930’s, that the story was recorded of this historic “Black Betsy” bat. Joe Thompson, who would later author the book “Growing Up With Shoeless Joe - The Greatest Natural Player in Baseball History” was the Sports Editor of the Greenville News-Piedmont newspaper at that time and conducted several personal interviews with Jackson concerning his life in baseball. One such interview resulted in an August 1, 1932 column bearing the headline “Famed Chisox Slugger Here; In Good Shape – Recalls Early Playing Days in Greenville; Tells True Story of How He Got ‘Black Betsy’. The article included the following excerpts; “Shoeless Joe" Jackson - one of the greatest sluggers of them all, the man who taught Babe Ruth how to hit - strode the streets of the old home town again today and recalled his early playing days here with Brandon Mill and the Greenville Spinners. Joe will don his baseball harness again Wednesday to give the home folks an eyeful of the modern Joe Jackson. He will play in his old position, center field, for the Greenville Spinners here Wednesday afternoon. Joe has his famous bat "Black Betsy" with him, and he will use the bludgeon in the game Wednesday. The bat is 24 years old, and has never been broken. It was with this bat that Jackson made all his hitting records, one of them, a World Series record, still standing and tied only by Pepper Martin in the last series. Jackson recalled today how he first showed Babe Ruth how to stand properly at the plate to hit. The Babe borrowed Joe's Black Betsy on several occasions, and loaned Jackson one of his bludgeons. Babe was with the Boston Red Sox at the time. For our own special benefit, Joe explained just how he secured "Black Betsy." There had been so many conflicting stories of the famous bat, that we were naturally curious to know the true story. ‘The bat was given to me by old Cap'n Martin, who drove one of the first street cars in Greenville,’ Joe said. ‘The bat was whittled out of hickory, but I don't know just where the Cap'n got hold of it. I sent it to the Spaulding baseball company and they finished it for me and stamped their label on it. I've had it ever since and it's never been broke, although it's getting old now and I expect it any time. I used to keep it soaked in a barrel of oil, but lately it's just been thrown by my desk in Savannah." He will don a Greenville uniform Wednesday for the first time in 20 years. He broke into baseball here in 1908. Other publicly documented references to “Black Betsy” include a September 23, 1951 article in the New Orleans Times Picayune that documents the bat’s distinctive feature of having a slight curvature. Soon after Joe’s banishment, he played in Bastrop, LA (1922) and in Americus, GA (1923). The article recounts the great teams in Bastrop during 1922 and 1923, mentioning Joe’s days with them in 1922 and describing “Betsey” in the article; “’The bat was incidentally something else’, Says Montgomery (teammate): ‘In that old leather case Joe carried two bats, one of which- his favorite –was a home-made affair slightly sprung with a curve in it. He wouldn’t let anybody touch it. He sure made it talk. I remember once I ordered two new Louisville Sluggers. We were practicing when they arrived and I handed one to Joe to try. He hit a couple balls with it and silently added it to his leather case, I never saw it again’” Two photographs that were taken of Jackson in 1932 show him in uniform with the Greenville Spinners holding “Black Betsy”.  In both, the bat’s immediately identifiable characteristics, including its curvature and distinctive handle tape provide an exact photo match. “Shoeless” Joe Jackson and his wife Katie would reside in Greenville, S.C. until Joe’s death on December 5th, 1951. At that time “Black Betsy” and the rest of Joe’s property were bequeathed to his widow. Upon her passing in 1959, Katie Jackson willed the bat to her 13 year-old cousin Lester Erwin who would be its keeper for 42 years. In a notarized letter drafted and signed by Erwin in 2001, he states in part;     “Mr. Jack Abbot, the Executor of the estate of Katie Jackson, delivered the bat to my house shortly after Katie’s death in 1959. I was 13 years old at the time. This bat was in the home of Joe Jackson until his death and it was his favorite bat. My cousin Katie would tell the family, including myself as a small boy, that Joe kept this bat because it was special to him and he referred to it as “Black Betsy”. Joe instructed Katie to leave it to me upon her death and it has been in my family, either at my Dad’s house as I was growing up, or at my house for the last 42 years. This has been enjoyed by my friends and family in remembrance of my cousin’s husband Joe Jackson, the greatest ball player of all time.” Lester Erwin sold “Black Betsy” at public auction in 2001, where it was bought by a private collector for a then record price of $577,610. It has been consigned to this auction on behalf of its current owner. To this day Joe Jackson remains one of baseball’s most mythical figures. Baseball historians remember him as one of the games most gifted performers, and growing legions of forgiving fans campaign relentlessly and fruitlessly to have him officially recognized as such in Cooperstown. Estimate Upon Request   Articles of Provenance Included: A copy of the Greenville Piedmont article from Aug. 1, 1932 as well as a notarized document from The Greenville County Library acknowledging its source. Copies of two circa.1932 photos of Jackson holding the bat with the Greenville Spinners. A notarized letter from Jack Abbot, executor of Katie Jackson’s estate. A notarized letter of provenance from Lester Erwin. A copy of Katie Jackson’s will, specifically referencing the bat.  A copy of the September 23, 1951 New Orleans Times Picayune article. Two separate letters of authenticity from independent bat authenticators MEARS (Troy Kinunen and Dave Bushing, Grade A 9.5) and PSA/DNA.   Bat Specifications: manufacturer: Unknown, and was sent to the Spalding Sporting Goods Co. for finishing, wherein said company stamped their logo on the knob and “Old Hickory” label on the barrel. bat weight: Approximately 40 ozs. bat length: Approximately 34.5 in. wood: Hickory finish: Slightly darkened on the barrel as a result of oil soaking, hence the “Black” in “Black Betsy”    cracks/repairs/features: Slight handle crack, repaired by Jackson with tape. Jackson was known to continue using the bat after it was cracked, however its most significant feature is that it is curved. The curve has been referred to by Jackson’s contemporaries as having been “slightly sprung with a curve or crook”. The curve is believed to have been caused by the “seasoning” of the wood, which was originally made from “unseasoned” hickory.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 2005-12-10
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HERGÉ Georges Remi dit (1907-1983) LES AVENTURES DE TINTIN

HERGÉ Georges Remi dit (1907-1983) LES AVENTURES DE TINTIN L'ÉTOILE MYSTÉRIEUSE Encre de Chine pour la copie dite de sécurité d'une planche au format à l'italienne, composée des strips 39 à 41 de L'Étoile Mystérieuse, publiés dans le journal « Le Soir » en 1941, au rythme d'un strip par jour. Chaque strip monogrammé. 34 x 46 cm. Magnifique passage à bord de l'Aurore où sont bien représentés Tintin, Haddock, Milou et l'astronome Hippolyte Calys. Pièce de musée. Historique : Le 5 février 1942, avant même d'employer Alice Devos le 15 mars de la même année comme coloriste, Hergé se rend chez Casterman à Tournai. De grand projets innovants, bouleversant sa façon de travailler sont en route. En effet, le passage à la couleur et la refonte en 62 pages de ses albums changent sa manière de travailler et notamment le format de ses planches. Hergé travaillant seul doit découper celles-ci au format rectangulaire en 4 strips. Il commence par L'Étoile Mystérieuse. Avant le découpage, il réalise une copie de sécurité à l'aide d'une table lumineuse à l'encre de Chine sur papier avant de découvrir le système des bromures, ancêtre de la photocopie. Il se doit de garder une trace pour une éventuelle publication dans un quotidien étranger dans l'ancien format à l'italienne en 3 strips. Il est difficile pour un artiste d'effacer définitivement son travail, Hergé mit donc tout son talent et toute son habileté dans la réalisation de ces planches dites de sécurité. Cette œuvre représente une des rarissimes opportunités d'acquérir une planche au format qu'Hergé utilisait pendant la guerre, et tout simplement une planche de cette époque mythique dans l'œuvre d'Hergé. Estimation 120 000 - 150 000 € Sold for 233,677 €

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2012-05-05
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Hergé

HERGÉ TINTIN TINTIN ET LE THERMO-ZERO 1960 Crayonné originale de la planche n° 4 issue de l’histoire inachevée. Signée Mine de plomb sur papier 36,5 × 50 cm (14,37 × 19,69 in.) Une pièce d’exception — On connaît cet épisode, devenu mythique, sous le nom de Tintin et le Thermo-Zéro. Pourquoi mythique ? Parce que, de tous les projets d’aventures de Tintin auxquels Hergé a renoncé, c’est incontestablement celui qui avait été poussé le plus loin. Des centaines de feuillets de découpage destinés, au gré d’approches successives, à fixer le contenu des 62 pages du récit, des versions distinctes du scénario élaborées par Hergé avant d’être confiées aux talents de scénariste prêtés à son collaborateur Jacques Martin, et… au bout du compte tout le début de l’histoire, mis en place au gré de crayonnés somptueux. Du Hergé à l’état pur ! Et du Hergé au meilleur de sa forme ! La légende battue en brèche — Il y aurait sans doute un livre à écrire au sujet de Tintin et le Thermo-Zéro. Disons-le tout net : cet épisode doit tout à Hergé, et presque rien à Greg, ni sur le plan scénaristique, ni sur les contenus, et surtout pas pour ce qui concerne la scène d’ouverture crayonnée par Hergé. La seule chose que le papa d’Achille Talon a faite dans cette histoire, c’est, à la demande d’Hergé en 1960, lui ficeler un nouveau synopsis sur base des contenus élaborés depuis 1957 par Hergé (et dans une moindre mesure par ses collaborateurs), synopsis qui était supposé lui donner l’envie de reprendre en main le projet. Raté ! Hergé l’a raconté à Benoît Peeters quelques semaines avant sa disparition : « Ça n’a pas marché parce que je suis un fantaisiste et que je ne parviens pas à suivre un scénario qu’on m’a proposé. (…) À un certain moment, je suis coincé par l’option prise par le scénariste (…) alors je fais un petit crochet vers la gauche ou vers la droite, et petit à petit tout le scénario se disloque ». Il le précise plus loin : il n’a jamais utilisé le scénario de Greg parce que, dans ce contexte, il se sentait prisonnier d’un carcan. J’ai besoin d’être surpris par mes propres inventions, affirmait-il. Les lecteurs de l’ouvrage Le Monde d’Hergé en ont conclu — avec son auteur — que tout, absolument tout ce qui compose les archives relatives à cet épisode était issu du synopsis de Greg, alors que c’est exactement le contraire. Les découvertes de Philippe Goddin publiées dans les volumes 6 et 7 de la collection Hergé – Chronologie d’une Œuvre l’ont bien montré : Hergé a entrepris d’élaborer ce récit en fin d’année 1957, sous le titre La Boîte de Pandor, juste après avoir terminé Coke en stock ; il l’a ensuite abandonné pour réaliser Tintin au Tibet ; il y est revenu une fois cet épisode terminé, à l’automne 1959, reprenant l’ensemble du récit sous formes de découpages et s’appuyant sur le savoir-faire de Jacques Martin pour nourrir le périple accompli par les héros qu’il avait lui-même imaginé ; il a même dessiné avec précision tout le début du récit, sous forme de crayonnés de grand format, tandis qu’il sollicitait Greg, début 1960, pour remettre cette matière à sa sauce. Greg a certes imaginé le « Thermo-Zéro » susceptible de remplacer les pilules radioactives comme enjeu de la course-poursuite. Il a donc, de façon erronée, voire imméritée, laissé « son » titre à cette oeuvre de Hergé, mais malgré quelques mois supplémentaires consacrés à de nouvelles tentatives, ce dernier n’a rien fait de son scénario… qui s’ouvrait par une balade touristique quelque peu incongrue des héros sur les flancs du Vésuve. Ce texte de 16 pages dactylographiées a été publié par Les Amis de Hergé dans le numéro 36 de leur excellente revue. Un début sur les chapeaux de roues — D’emblée, en 1957, Hergé avait ouvert son récit par un spectaculaire dépassement de voiture, opéré près de Moulinsart et vécu comme un affront par le capitaine Haddock au volant de sa décapotable. Pour en arriver dès la deuxième page au violent accident subi par le mystérieux conducteur, qu’on devine poursuivi par d’étranges personnages à l’accent allemand. Le fugitif, grièvement blessé, transportait des pilules radioactives… qu’il glissera subrepticement dans la poche de l’imperméable de Tintin venu lui porter secours. D’où le titre qui remplacera un moment La Boîte de Pandore (avec « e » cette fois) : Les Pilules (ou, plus vraisemblablement Tintin et les Pilules). En dépit de quelques tentatives de démarrer le récit dans un contexte légèrement différent (au restaurant par exemple) ou de le transporter dans un autre environnement que Moulinsart (en France ou en Italie par exemple) et malgré la proposition faite par Greg de commencer de façon moins mouvementée, Hergé est à chaque fois revenu à son ouverture « sur les chapeaux de roues » mettant en scène la voiture de sport du capitaine Haddock, une Volkswagen Coccinelle (la voiture du fugitif), un camion — on verra que la source involontaire de l’accident de ce dernier est un transport de glaces de la firme Motta — et une puissante berline allemande (la Porsche des poursuivants). Six des huit crayonnés qui composent le début de l’épisode font partie des « trésors » du Musée Hergé à Louvain-la-Neuve. Deux d’entre eux ont en revanche été offerts par Hergé, ceci après qu’il ait renoncé à mener ce récit à bien, préférant entreprendre en fin d’année 1960 Les Bijoux de la Castafiore. L’un de ces crayonnés (portant le numéro 4) a été offert au dessinateur Gilbert Gascard, dit Tibet, le 23 février 1961, et l’autre (portant le numéro 3) à son collaborateur Bob De Moor le 22 avril 1977. Du grand et beau spectacle — On peut imaginer que le jour où Tibet a rendu visite à Hergé, celui-ci lui a permis de choisir, parmi les crayonnés de cet épisode inachevé, celui qui lui plairait vraiment. On peut dire que le « père » de Ric Hochet et de Chick Bill a fait preuve ce jour-là d’un goût très sûr. Souplesse, vivacité, action… les qualificatifs ne manquent pas pour décrire ce qui se passe sur cette quatrième page d’un récit qui a démarré en trombe. C’est sous une pluie battante, et sous les yeux de Tintin et de Haddock, qui la suivaient, que la Coccinelle s’est écrasée contre un arbre. Le capitaine a freiné sec (un véritable exploit dans ce contexte pluvieux !) et s’est extrait péniblement de son siège (conduite à droite… c’est une MG !) tandis que Tintin, plus jeune et plus agile que lui, s’est déjà porté au secours du conducteur. Arcbouté sur la poignée, il a réussi à ouvrir la portière. Et, tandis que son compagnon semble danser le charleston (en réalité, une transe due à la douleur), il entreprend, avec l’aide d’autres personnes accourues sur les lieux de l’accident, d’extraire le blessé, inconscient, de la carcasse de son véhicule. Très avisé, comme d’habitude, il fait étendre une couverture sur le sol et prend la précaution de recouvrir de son imperméable le corps du malheureux, en attendant les secours. Surgit alors la voiture des mystérieux Allemands, qui reconnaissent la Volkswagen qu’ils poursuivaient, et dont on devine qu’ils vont s’arrêter pour intervenir. Tension dramatique, gags, mystère, mouvement, portraits pris sur le vif… tous les ressorts habituellement mis en œuvre par Hergé sont présents dans ce qui constitue certainement la séquence clé de l’épisode. Le blessé, reprenant conscience un instant, va glisser dans la poche du vêtement qui le recouvre l’objet autour duquel vont se dérouler, en connaissance de cause ou pas, toutes les péripéties du récit. Qui oserait dire qu’Hergé n’est pas à l’aise ici, qu’il n’apparaît pas en pleine possession de ses moyens, et qu’il n’est pas confiant en la suite ? On n’en aura pas de sitôt fini de s’interroger sur les vrais motifs qui l’ont fait renoncer à cet épisode dans lequel, on le constate, il s’était totalement investi. La faute aux Bijoux de la Castafiore, qui lui aura permis de se lancer dans quelque chose de totalement différent ? Peut-être. On pourrait dire que cet abandon correspond aussi au moment où sa vie basculait : c’est à cette époque, au cours de laquelle il a produit Tintin au Tibet, qu’il a décidé de quitter son épouse pour vivre un nouvel amour.

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2016-11-19
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HERGÉ

HERGÉ TINTIN L’ÉTOILE MYSTÉRIEUSE Illustration réalisée pour un album à colorier édité en 1947. Encre de Chine sur papier 15,3 X 21,3 CM (6,02 X 8,39 IN.) En 1944, lorsqu’il entreprend la réalisation des trente-six illustrations qui composeront les trois albums à colorier pour lesquels son agent a accordé une licence en son nom, Hergé recherche dans ses albums des scènes particulièrement évocatrices des tensions vécues par Tintin. Certaines seront recomposées, voire réinventées, tandis que d’autres, pleinement satisfaisantes dès leur apparition dans le récit, se contenteront d’une adaptation légère ou d’un simple toilettage. Un exemple ? Dans l’album, la toile qui court le long de l’armature s’en écarte légèrement dans sa partie supérieure, laissant apparaître une infime portion de vagues. Sur l’image à colorier, elle apparaît mieux fixée, et dès lors sans équivoque pour le coloriage de l’enfant. Un trait plus homogène a également été requis, délimitant plus précisément que dans l’album certaines des zones colorées (ou à colorier). L’album L’Étoile mystérieuse avait été publié deux ans plus tôt. Il fut le premier à paraître directement en couleur, mais une partie des dessins qui le composent avaient été conçus pour le noir et blanc. C’est pourquoi, dans l’album, certaines zones — dans le cas présent les reflets sur le pont mouillé de l’Aurore — n’étaient pas “serties” (fermées au moyen d’un trait). Dans l’album à colorier, il s’agit de favoriser une mise en couleur aisée de la part des enfants, en leur proposant une image de référence parfaite à cet égard. En reprenant les formes de la douzième case de la planche 25 de l’album, Hergé ne tient évidemment pas compte des reflets dont sa coloriste Alice Devos avait doté les cirés des personnages. Cela compliquerait la tâche des enfants. Il ajuste également le cadrage, déplace imperceptiblement certains éléments pour apporter plus de lisibilité à l’image. Il élimine bien évidemment le phylactère qui, pourtant, marquait si drôlement la différence entre le pied marin du capitaine et celui de Tintin, qui ne l’est manifestement pas : « Ah, c’est vous ?... Jolie brise, n’est-ce pas ?... » On le constate : à la faveur de cette élimination, Hergé s’est rendu compte que dans l’album il avait oublié de prolonger à droite du phylactère la barre métallique qu’il avait amorcée à sa gauche. Sur l’image à colorier, cette armature du poste de pilotage a été fort heureusement complétée. Mais comme le révèle la retouche à la gouache blanche portée sur le dessin original, il a reculé le montant vertical qui, derrière la gouverne (le support de la barre) aurait semblé la prolonger. Ici, la Ligne Claire règne en maître !…

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2016-05-21
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GONE WITH THE WIND

GONE WITH THE WIND Clark Gable's personal script for Gone With The Wind, 1939. The cover of the maroon leather bound script is embossed GONE WITH THE WIND SCREEN PLAY and CLARK GABLE, on the inside cover, the actor's personal bookplate; the text pages bound with eight black and white stills from the film featuring the actor as "Rhett Butler" with Vivien Leigh as "Scarlett O'Hara". Inscribed and signed by producer David Selznick on the first page of the script: For Clark, Who made the dream of fifty million Americans (who couldn't be - and weren't - wrong!), and one producer come true! With gratitude for a superb performance and a happy association, David Xmas, 1939 By the late 1930s millions had read a sensational book by Atlanta author Margaret Mitchell. "Gone With The Wind" was an overnight success, selling millions of copies and immortalizing it's characters. Selznick International Pictures was overwhelmed from the start with letters from the public suggesting casting possiblities for it's beloved Scarlett and Rhett. While everyone wanted Clark Gable as the dashing leading man, there was only one problem; Gable did not want to play Rhett Butler. He was quoted as saying, "It wasn't that I didn't appreciate the compliment the public was paying me, it was simply that Rhett was too big an order. I didn't want any part of him, Rhett was too much for any actor to tackle in his right mind." Since he was signed to Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer Studios, who did not want its' star making money for anyone else, Gable felt safe that he could avoid taking on the role. Fate had a different idea when David Selznick and M.G.M. Studio head Louis B. Mayer made one of the most infamous deals in Hollywood history. For the services of Clark Gable and a cash investment of over one million dollars, M.G.M. would receive the distribution rights and one half of the profits for Gone With The Wind. In August 1938 Gable signed on; "I could have put up a fight," the actor said, "I didn't." As they say, the rest is history.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 1996-12-15
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GONE WITH THE WIND 1939, BEST DIRECTOR ACADEMY AWARD PRESENTED TO

GONE WITH THE WIND 1939, BEST DIRECTOR ACADEMY AWARD PRESENTED TO VICTOR FLEMING The gold plated brittania statue with the front plaque inscribed ACADEMY FIRST AWARD TO VICTOR FLEMING FOR DIRECTION OF "GONE WITH THE WIND"; on the reverse of the base of the plaque [ACADEMY OF MOTION PICTURE ARTS AND SCIENCES FIRST AWARD] 1939--12 in. high--replated--slightly leaning. Victor Fleming (1883 - 1949) began his career in Hollywood as an assistant cameraman at the American Film Co. in 1910. After a stint in the photographic section of the U.S. Army Signal Corp. during World War I, he directed his first silent feature film, the 1919 When Clouds Roll By, starring Douglas Fairbanks. After seven years with Paramount Pictures, Fleming began his long-term relationship with M.G.M. Studios. 1939 was an historical year for Louis B. Mayer and Company: The Wizard of Oz, their most expensive production to date, was in full swing with Dick Thorpe at the director's helm, soon to be replaced by George Cukor, who was waiting to begin work on Selznick Picture's epic Gone With The Wind. In the middle of the production of the Wizard Of Oz, Cukor left to fulfill his commitment to Selznick, and Victor Fleming took over on Gone With The Wind. In a classic Hollywood twist, George Cukor (citing "creative differences" with David Selznick) proceeded to walk off the production of Gone With The Wind in a panic. After checking around at M.G.M., Selznick decided to pull Fleming off the set of The Wizard of Oz (with three weeks of filming remaining, King Vidor finished the picture). Out of loyalty to his great friend Clark Gable, Victor Fleming agreed to do it. Victor Fleming was appalled with the Gone With The Wind script and refused to begin shooting until a final screenplay had been drafted. Ben Hecht was brought in and instead of reading the book, Selznick and Fleming acted out the story (Selznick playing the parts of Scarlett and Ashley, Fleming as Rhett and Melanie). After five days and nights the script was finished and Victor Fleming resumed shooting. One of his many invaluable touches was the filming of the wounded soldier scene. Since only eight hundred out of two thousand extras answered the call, the panoramic spectacle and "pullback" shot was achieved with the actors groaning in pain and manipulating mannequins at the same time. Gone With The Wind would go on to capture a record ten Academy Awards in 1940. Hollywood folklore has it that when Fleming won the Award for Best Director (and Gable lost out to Robert Donat), the director playfully tossed the Oscar to his friend claiming "Here, you have it!" - thus the slight lean to the statue. Victor Fleming's technical and creative contributions to two of the great American films of all time is immeasurable.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 1994-12-06
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CITIZEN KANE

CITIZEN KANE Dateline -- New York City, 1941. "Citizen Kane is far and away the most surprising film and cinematically exciting motion picture to be seen here ... As a matter of fact, it comes close to being the most sensational film ever made in Hollywood." Bosley Crowther 'New York Times'. "Staggering and belongs at once among the great screen achievements." New York 'World Telegram'. "Not since Chaplin's A Woman in Paris, has an American film struck an art and an industry with comparable force" Archer Winston, 'New York Post'. CITIZEN KANE Gold plated metal statue on black base with front plaque inscribed "Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences First Award 1941" and plaque on opposite side inscribed "Academy First Award to Herman J. Mankiewicz for Writing Original Screenplay of Citizen Kane". Statue is a substantial 7.5 lbs, lightly patinated and bears the inscription 'G. Stanley". Citizen Kane tells the story of an American icon and begins simply enough, with a man's death, and a news reel obituary, in which he is alternately vilified for being a communist, a fascist, a vulgar man of the people, a robber baron and a number of other contradictory stereotypes. When a reporter finds the story intellectually unrevealing, he sets out to penetrate the enigma of the great man. A team is assembled to find people who were close to Kane. And so begins a perplexing journey of discovery to uncover the nature of the enigma known as Charles Foster Kane and, by extension, of America itself. It was not, strictly speaking, a commercial success. It was densely detailed and structurally unfamiliar for the audiences of the day, more used to stories with a straight line of advance. But more to the point, it was the object of a smear campaign directed by the man it was popularly thought to portray. William Randolph Hearst, marshaled all the considerable resources of his media empire to do his utmost to undermine and destroy the film. Those theaters that showed the picture did so at their peril, and were denied advertising in the pages of Hearst newspapers. In one particularly obscene gesture, Louis B. Meyer offered to pay RKO the full amount of its investment in the picture, if it would destroy the negative before the film could be released. The picture so many tried so hard to destroy is viewed differently today. The American Film Institute has ranked Citizen Kane as the greatest American film of all time -- this in a field where Selznick's Gone With the Wind is ranked number four behind Kane, Casablanca and The Godfather. Citizen Kane was different from any movie made previously in the United States. It was a radical departure and in a sense, an awakening of what film was capable, and incapable of achieving under the studio system. The actors were virtual unknowns, indeed, totally inexperienced in the movie business having been veterans of Welles' New York theatre company. Greg Toland was hired for his revolutionary lighting techniques and his brilliance behind the lens, many of which he manufactured himself from his own designs as they did not yet exist commercially. And, finally, for his most important acquisition, Herman J. Mankiewicz who would in seclusion in the desert town of Victorville, California conceive and write his most brilliant and subversive work -- American. Herman Mankiewicz *(1897-1953) began his career as a reporter for the New York Tribune, and after serving in the marines during WWI, worked in Paris and Berlin, eventually finding his way back to New York where he wrote for the New York Times, and later became the first drama critic for The New Yorker. In 1926 he moved to Hollywood, and over the next quarter century wrote or co-wrote nearly 50 films. Although he was often uncredited, he had a hand in some very good pictures, including Horsefeathers, Duck Soup, The Wizard of Oz, Gentlemen Prefer Blondes, Dinner at Eight and others. But his supreme achievement was American, later retitled Citizen Kane for which, perversely enough, he was still almost dealt out of the credits. It may also worth mentioning that the year after he took the Oscar for Kane, he was again nominated for Best Screenplay for Pride of the Yankees. Propelled by American, Citizen Kane forever changed the character of American cinema. Sound, cinematography, direction, casting were all approached in new ways. And although nominated by the Academy for Best Director, Best Cinematography, Best Score, and Best Screenplay, it won only the latter. The award was shared with Welles, largely because his RKO contract had required that he act, produce, direct and write the film. But it was Mankiewicz whose original conception culminated in the magnificent script for which recognition -- despite all the hostility, distrust and animosity of the Hollywood and Hearst forces -- could not be denied. And was Hearst's aversion justified? Was Charles Foster Kane really William Randoph Hearst? It can be said that Mankiewicz, a brilliant man and serious student of American history, had chaffed in his part as a bit player in a system which treated the writer as a necessary if contemptible evil. He knew Hearst and of his film mogul pretensions. He had been to San Simeon. He was, in fact, a frequent dinner guest at the castle, and usually sat at Hearst's right hand at the grand table. Where Kane's story departed from Hearst's, Hearst saw misrepresentation; where it paralleled his own, he saw insult, ingratitude and invasion of privacy. Who knows what Mankiewicz saw, but it's clear how he felt. In many respects he represented a whole generation of disenfranchised, and neglected writers. He had here got his revenge, and provided Welles his magnum opus. Welles himself had written about how Mankiewicz felt in these words: "The big studio system often made writers feel like second-class citizens a lot of them were pretty bitter and miserable. And nobody was more miserable, more bitter, and funnier than Mank ... a perfect monument to self-destruction." Kane undoubtedly was a product of both minds. Yet Rita Alexander, who typed the original script and had custody of all the drafts through shooting, has said that Orson Welles did not write "one single word." Richard Corliss of 'Time' writes, "The obvious answer to the dilemma is that Herman Mankiewicz wrote the film, and Orson Welles directed it." In the end, both men had made history. And how does Citizen Kane truly stand the test of time, and where is it really in the pantheon of American cinema, and popular culture? David Thomson, the respected film historian and author of highly acclaimed books on Welles and Selznick both, writes in his 1996 biography Rosebud, that "[Citizen Kane is] the greatest movie that ever has been or will be made, the work that sums up the entire medium and holds it in reserve for those prepared to look and consider the ultimate destruction of the thing called cinema." For this, the most important American film ever made, there exists but two gold statues. Of the two, the one belonging to the Mankiewicz heirs is offered here, while Welles' award is the subject of litigation between the Estate and those currently holding it in their possession. Rosebud? What is the central enigma that is Kane, which at heart is beyond a simple and ubiquitous case of lost innocence? "The structure is very intricate; the dialogue is brilliant; the overall view of America and its functioning is ironic; and the mood is pessimistic - not just in wondering whether this man was happy or fulfilled but in its suspicion that meaning itself, and human purpose, is a vain hope. The script's role and originality can never be denied, for Kane is nearly the only movie to suspect that power, wealth, prowess and ambition are forlorn engines, the noise of which tries to hide silence and emptiness." David Thomson -- "Rosebud" Citizen Kane Citizen Kane Citizen Kane Citizen Kane

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 1999-11-18
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Joe DiMaggio's 1936 New York Yankees Rookie Home Uniform

Joe DiMaggio's 1936 New York Yankees Rookie Home Uniform, "I'm just a ballplayer with one ambition, and that is to give all I've got to help my ball club win. I've never played any other way." Joe DiMaggio From 1936-1951, less three years in the service during Word War II, Joe DiMaggio gave his all to the New York Yankees, helping them win 9 World Championships. Joe began his pro career with the San Francisco Seals in 1933, where, as an eighteen-year old rookie, he set a Pacific Coast League record by hitting safely in 61 consecutive games, a portent of his future success. "Baseball didn't really get into my blood until I knocked off that hitting streak," DiMaggio said. "Getting a daily hit became more important to me than eating, drinking or sleeping. Overnight I became a personality." After the 1934 season, the Yankees bought DiMaggio for a reported $25,000 and five players. They kept Joe in San Francisco for another year of seasoning, where, in 1935, he starred with a .398 average, 34 homers and 154 RBI. 1936 While DiMaggio was tearing up the PCL, the Yankees were struggling to recapture their championship identity. In the spring of 1936, they were a team that in the past seven years had won only one pennant and World Series. They had played the 1935 season without Babe Ruth who, after being insulted by Jacob Ruppert's $1 offer, left to play briefly for the Boston Braves before retiring for good. While Lou Gehrig continued his quiet excellence and George Selkirk picked up a bit of the Bambino's slack with 94 RBI's, in 1935 the Yankees once again finished second to the World Champion Detroit Tigers, led by their quartet of slugging Hall of Famers, Cochrane, Greenberg, Goslin and Gehringer. Could the San Franciscan rookie lead the Yankees back to the World Series? The anticipation that surrounded DiMaggio's debut with the Yankees was without precedent. The frenzy, perpetuated among fans, team officials, and especially the media, was heightened by an unexpected delay as a result of a foot injury that kept DiMaggio sidelined for the first few weeks. While the star rookie mended what one New York paper dubbed "The Most Famous Hot-Foot in Yankee History" the Yankee Box office got hundred of letters asking: When would DiMaggio play? The papers covered his medical exams, his every appearance at the ballpark, even satirically speculating on the new layers of skin on his foot. The New York Times ran a lively exchange of letters from readers arguing out the pronunciation of "Dee-Mah-Jee-O". The Yanks were playing well, but not well enough: after eighteen games, at eleven and seven, they were just where they'd finished the last three years-second place. Finally the papers trumpeted the glad news: the kid would play on Sunday, May 3 against the St. Louis Browns. A crowd of more than twenty -five thousand (by far the largest since Opening Day) braved cool and showery weather to cheer the debut. "An astonishing portion of the crowd," said the New York Post "was composed of strangers to sport-mostly Italians- who did not even know the stadium subway station." Perhaps it was these fans who rose to their feet along with the rest, whose cheers were heard above all others when young Joe, wearing number 9, made his first plate appearance-with Yankee runners on first and third. Even as Joe grounded a tame "fielder's choice" to third, the electricity of the moment was sustained. Later, in the sixth, Joe got a hold of a pitch from "Chief" Elon Hogsett and drove it, as the Post remarked, "like a cannon shot between the center and left fielders," and DiMaggio had his first big-league triple. The game as a whole was never in doubt: the Browns' pitching was awful; but who cared? The daily news ran DiMaggio headlines three inches high, but in the lead tried to keep matters in perspective: "This is the story of Joseph DiMaggio, a kid from San Francisco, though it might be proper to mention that the Yankees beat St Louis 14-5, at the stadium yesterday." From the moment DiMaggio first put on his pinstripes, he made the Yankees "his" team. By late May, Joe was leading the league with a .411 average, and the Yankees were streaking. On the last day of May, they won their fifth straight, to sweep the Red Sox (whom they now led by four and a half games), when DiMaggio singled in the seventh to tie, and tripled in the twelfth to win the game. Almost forty-two thousand fans, including Mayor Fiorello La Guardia, left Yankee Stadium to tell of the rookie's glory. Young Joe had to leave the ballpark in a phalanx of cops, to protect him from adoring fans. It was seldom mentioned all year that Gehrig was having an AL MVP season, that Dickey was pounding the ball flat: or that the whole Yankee offense was producing runs at the rate of the mighty '27 Yanks. The story was painted in bold black and white: The Yanks, resurgent, were racing toward a pennant. And the reason for the resurgence was Joe. DiMaggio and the Yanks were the story everywhere in the country. Writers in every AL town used the coming of the rookie wonder to build attendance for their local clubs. In the month before the All-Star Game, the AP baseball feature named the rookie DiMaggio seven times (Dizzy Dean, with four mentions, ranked a distant second.) Little wonder, in the count of two million ballots from fans in forty-eight states and Canada, Joe led the voting for the 1936 AL All-Star outfield. And in case anyone had missed the story, in its July 13th issue, Time Magazine took the occasion of the All-Star Game to look in on baseball- and on the cover there appeared a full length photo of DiMaggio, swinging ferociously in his rookie pinstripes. The 1936 Yankees won the pennant by a whopping 19 ½ games over the Tigers, largely due to Joe's .323 average, 29 HRs, and 125 RBI and league leading 22 assists. Had there been a Rookie of the Year Award in 1936 it would have been Joe's. In the 1936 Series match up with the cross town Giants, Joe added the exclamation point on his extraordinary rookie campaign, hitting .346 in the six game series, helping secure a World Series title for the Yankees, the first of four consecutive championships. His rookie year of 1936 was the first of many spectacular seasons for DiMaggio, in a career that would include a litany of feats and eight more World Series rings. When DiMaggio retired in 1951, he had a lifetime average of .325. He won two home-run crowns (1937 and 1948) on his way to 361. DiMaggio hit over .300 eleven times and won two batting titles - .381 in 1939 and .352 in 1940. In 1941, he hit in 56 consecutive games, a record to this day. He knocked in more than 100 runs nine times, leading the American League with 125 in 1941 and 155 in 1948 and finishing second with 167 in 1937. He won three Most Valuable Player Awards (1939, 1941 and 1947). But for DiMaggio himself, 1936 would forever remain his most dear season in baseball. His fond reflections of 1936 later in his life are well documented. Those who knew him best have recalled that a picture of the 1936 Yankees team was among the few baseball-related photographs that hung in his home. And of all the rings, hardware, and other honors bestowed upon one of baseball's most highly decorated players, it was his 1936 World Series ring he cherished above all others, worn with pride until it was removed from his finger on the day he died. Charles "Smoke" Mason Growing up in the Ozarks area of southwest Missouri, Mason's live arm earned him the nickname "Smoke" and took him to the University of Missouri. After his final season there in 1938, he was approached by Yankees scout Bill Essick. Signed in May of 1938 for $1,300, including $1,200 to pay off school debt and $100 for his pocket, Mason boarded a bus to Joplin, Missouri to play for the Yankees' Joplin Miners farm team. When he arrived in Joplin, Mason met the equipment manager, who chose a work out uniform for Mason from a mound of used uniforms that had been sent down from New York by the big league club as a cost saving measure. In a decision that took but a moment of thought, with consideration given only to size and shape, Charles Mason was handed what, unbeknownst to him, would someday be looked upon as a national heirloom. Mason worked out in his designated uniform only for a few weeks before the Joplin season began and he donned the official Miners team uniform. He kept the pinstriped "workout uniform" in his locker throughout the 1938 season, with little use for it then and virtually no sense of its significance. It stayed with him through a second season with Joplin in 1939, during which he experienced the one and only encounter of his life with Joe DiMaggio in person. During spring training in Kansas City, Florida, DiMaggio, taking a break from preparing for his fourth big league campaign, paid a visit to the aspiring Yankee prospects. Mason recalled that he was seated in the dugout along with five other players when the Yankee Clipper strolled by, pausing to greet them casually. According to Mason he simply said, "Hello fellas", but the impact was lasting. The impression left by DiMaggio, whose legend was rooted, but far from fruition at that time, abolished Mason's obliviousness to the old uniform, which bore this man's name in red stitching. At seasons end, Mason asked Mr. Becker if he could keep it. Becker said "Well, what the heck are you going to do with it, Charles?" Charles said, "I need a uniform to wear when I go back to Willow Springs. We play a lot of ball down there in the hills." Years later, Mason would reflect that his being allowed to keep the uniform was not customary; attributing Mr. Becker's exception to his feeling that he had a good prospect on his hands in "Smoke" Mason.  Upon his return to Willow Springs in 1939, baseball became secondary in Mason's life. His father took ill, passing away shortly thereafter, and the uniform was relegated to a closet at his parent's house. The next drastic turn in his life came with World War II when Mason went to serve in Panama. After the war, he met and married Frances Cochran in 1950. The forgotten uniform lay dormant until sometime in the 1950's when Frances discovered it in the corner of the closet, while helping clean out his mother's house. Its fate resting in her hands, she opted to save what another might have deemed disposable.     Number Nine Manufactured by Spalding, the uniform, consisting of a jersey and pants is one of only two home pinstriped uniforms issued to Joe DiMaggio for the 1936 season (He was also issued two road uniforms, one of which resides in the Hall of Fame). Tagged exclusively for DiMaggio, the uniform features red chain stitching in the collar that reads "Joe DiMaggio 9", while similar chain stitching in the pants reads, "Joe DiMaggio 9, 36" referencing the player, uniform number, and year of issue. DiMaggio was only assigned the uniform number 9 for his rookie season, after which he would don number 5 for the remainder of his career. It is important to note that in 1936, uniform numbers were issued based on a player's appearance in the batting order (ie: Gehrig's number 4 denoting his position in the clean-up spot). For incoming rookies who had not established such a position within the order, numbers were assigned in ascension based on their status as a prospect. DiMaggio was so highly touted that he was issued number 9, the lowest number available to a rookie. Every technical aspect of this uniform is as it was when Joe DiMaggio made his Yankees debut with the exception of the sleeves having been cut and the customary removal of the "NY" logo from the front of the jersey, which was done upon its designation for minor league service. No other lettering was ever applied to the front, and the "NY" outline is still clearly visible on the left breast. The jersey and pants retain superb visual appeal, demonstrating substantial, but not excessive usage wear.  Team repairs appear on the pants and a few rust spots on the uniform have been cleaned. In addition to the jersey's documented lineage, it is supported by no less than half a dozen "photo matches". Every Yankee pinstriped flannel garment of this era is as unique as a snowflake because each jersey and pants were hand stitched, so the pinstripe patterns vary from uniform. The alignment of the pinstripes on both the pants and jersey (most readily apparent at the seams of the shoulders, collar, number, and 'NY' outline) and pants (waistband, belt loops, inseam) provide exact matches to several photos of DiMaggio from 1936, many of which are presented here. Among the most compelling photo matches is an image catalogued by Corbis as being taken during the 1936 World Series (shown), providing clear evidence that this jersey was worn by Joe during his first appearance in the Fall Classic. LOA from MEARS.

  • USAEstados Unidos
  • 2008-04-24
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EDGAR P. JACOBS

EDGAR P. JACOBS BLAKE ET MORTIMER LE MYSTÈRE DE LA GRANDE PYRAMIDE T.2 (T.4), LE LOMBARD 1955 Planche originale n°52 prépubliée dans Le Journal de Tintin belge n°20 de mai 1952. Encre de Chine sur papier 36 X 46,5 CM (14,17 X 18,31 IN.) Après avoir sauvé le monde de la dictature de “Bazam le cruel”, Blake et Mortimer partent à la recherche du secret le mieux gardé d’Égypte : le trésor de la Grande Pyramide. Le Papyrus de Manéthon met le sagace Mortimer sur sa piste… Mais bien des surprises l’attendent dont la moindre n’est pas le retour de son pire ennemi : Olrik ! Jacobs aura mis trois ans à préparer cet album. Trois ans à rassembler et compulser des documents afin d’élaborer sa thèse : celle d’une chambre secrète inexplorée, dissimulée dans la Grande Pyramide, qui recèlerait un trésor inestimable. Il se plonge dans les ouvrages des grands auteurs de l’histoire de la civilisation égyptienne : Hérodote, la liste des sept merveilles de Strabon, ainsi que dans divers travaux d’égyptologues français dont Gaston Maspero, évoqué dans cette aventure, qui fonda le Musée égyptien du Caire et fit désensabler le Sphinx de Gizeh. C’est donc en véritable érudit qu’il va voir pour la première fois le professeur Pierre Gilbert, directeur de la Fondation égyptologique Reine-Elisabeth et conservateur du Musée d’Art et d’Histoire du Cinquantenaire à Bruxelles. Il lui expose ses hypothèses concernant l’existence de la chambre d’Horus et, tout en lui laissant la responsabilité de ses théories, l’homme de science leur accorde une certaine validité scientifique. Il tente toutefois de le dissuader de situer son aventure sur le plateau de Gizeh, tant le nombre de fouilles archéologiques menées jusque-là y rendaient toute nouvelle découverte improbable. Mais Jacobs tenait à son idée. Bien lui en prit : au moment même où s’achève la publication du Mystère de la Grande Pyramide dans Le Journal de Tintin, l’archéologue égyptien Kamal El Mallak découvre au pied des pyramides une barque solaire de Khéops en parfait état de conservation ! Cette planche se situe à la toute fin de l’aventure. Dans cet épilogue, nos amis ont réussi à s’échapper de “l’empire des morts”, et laissent le cheikh Abdel Razek condamner le redoutable Olrik aux affres de la folie. Là encore, la composition de Jacobs fait merveille. Triangulaire – pyramidale à tout dire –, elle démontre une nouvelle fois son talent pour la mise en scène. La page est balancée entre l’ombre des profondeurs et la lumière éclatante du jour : « Ouf ! Enfin, le soleil !... » dit Mortimer.

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2016-05-21
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FRANQUIN

FRANQUIN GASTON GALA DE GAFFES (T.2), DUPUIS 1963 FRANQUIN - JIDÉHEM, couverture originale. Gouache, aquarelle et encre de Chine sur papier 30 X 25,6 CM (11,81 X 10,08 IN.) Nous voici en présence de l’une des rares couvertures de Gaston Lagaffe disponibles sur le marché. Elle a été réalisée pour le deuxième volume de la collection (le troisième, si l’on compte le Gaston 0) publiée au format à l’italienne, par respect pour le format original de publication de Gaston en demi-pages à la Une du Journal de Spirou. Ces gags ont ensuite été compilés différemment, ce qui fait de ce dessin une pièce unique. Dans cette première partie des gags de Gaston, Jidéhem tient une part active, Franquin étant débordé par ses autres activités, notamment sur Spirou et Modeste et Pompon. Jidéhem a-t-il travaillé sur cette couverture ? Il revendique en tout cas la réalisation de la partie gauche du dessin. Je pense comme Philippe Queveau et les auteurs Yann, Batem, Colman et Hardy, tous spécialistes de l’oeuvre de Franquin, que ce dessin est entièrement de la main de Franquin. À noter que les indications manuscrites sur l’original sont autographes de Franquin. Ici, nul besoin de bulle explicative, le gag fonctionne sous la forme d’une ellipse dialoguée, un procédé narratif jusqu’ici totalement inédit : alors que Fantasio découvre un chalumeau, négligemment oublié par Gaston, en train de consumer le courrier des lecteurs, le gaffeur clame silencieusement son innocence. Exceptionnel. Daniel Maghen

  • FRAFrancia
  • 2016-05-21
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Juguetes y otros coleccionables

Niños pequeños y grandes encontrarán todo tipo de juguetes y coleccionables aquí. Hay una gran variedad de muñecas casas de muñecas, soldados de juguete, robots y trenes. Colecciones vintage como “pitufos”, muñecos de la guerra de las galaxias, Mickey Mouse, y otros objetos de memorabilia. Además se pueden en-contrar en esta sección autógrafos de actores, artistas, deportistas, políticos y otros coleccionismos.